Speculations, Critical Thinking, Evidence, Mississippian Culture Religion (with deeper connections)

Damien Marie AtHope’s Art

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“Na-Dene (Athabaskan–Eyak–Tlingit) is a family of Native American languages that includes at least the Athabaskan languages, Eyak, and Tlingit languages. Some linguists have proposed a genetic relationship between Na-Dene and the Yeniseian languages of central Siberia, termed Dene–Yeniseian. Speakers of the Na-Dene languages, while mostly closely related to other North American indigenous peoples, derive around 10% of their ancestry from a Siberian source closely related to Koryaks and not found in other Native American groups. The best-known of these proposals is the Dené–Yeniseian languages hypothesis from Edward Vajda and others. Under this hypothesis, the Na-Dené languages might be related to the Yeniseian (or Yeniseic) languages of Siberia, the only living representative of which is the Ket language. The core motivations for the proposed family connection are homologies in verb prefixes and a systematic correspondence between the distribution of Ket tones and consonant articulations found in Athabaskan–Eyak–Tlingit. Dene or Dine (the Athabaskan languages) is a widely distributed group of Native languages spoken by associated peoples in Alberta, British Columbia, Manitoba, the Northwest Territories, Nunavut, Saskatchewan, Yukon, Alaska, parts of Oregon, northern California, and the American Southwest as far as northern Mexico.” ref

“The Paleo-Inuit (Indigenous Arctic peoples’ preferred name) (also known as Paleo-Eskimo, “seen” as derogatory by Indigenous Arctic peoples) were the peoples who inhabited the Arctic region from Chukotka (e.g., Chertov Ovrag) in present-day Russia across North America to Greenland before the arrival of the modern Inuit and related cultures (formerly called Eskimo). The first known Paleo-Eskimo culture, known as the Early Paleo-Eskimo, had developed by 3900 to 3600 BCE, but were gradually displaced in most of the region, with the last one, the Dorset culture, disappearing around 1500 CE. Paleo-Inuits included the Pre-Dorset; the Saqqaq culture of Greenland (2500–800 BCE); the Independence I and Independence II cultures of northeastern Canada and Greenland (c. 2400–1800 BCE and c. 800–1 BCE); the Groswater culture of Labrador, Nunavik, and Newfoundland; and the Dorset culture (500 BCE – 1400 CE), which spread across the North American Arctic.” ref

“Using fragments of hair 4,000 years old, the National Museum of Denmark, the Beijing Genomics Institute, and additional collaborating scientific institutions sequenced nearly 80% of a Paleo-Eskimo man’s genome. The man was found in Greenland and believed to be from the prehistoric Saqqaq culture. Based on the genome, scientists believe there was a distinct, separate migration of peoples from Siberia to North America some 5,500 years ago. They noted that this was independent of earlier migrations, whose descendants comprised the historic cultures of the Indigenous peoples of the Americas, as well as later Inuit migration. By 4,500 years ago, descendants of this migration had reached Greenland. The remains used for analysis were found in a Saqqaq culture area.” ref

“A 2017 study identifies Paleo-Inuit ancestry in Athabaskan and in other Na-Dene-speaking populations. The authors note that the Paleo-Inuit peoples lived alongside Na-Dene ancestors for millennia. The authors believe that this represents new evidence of a genetic connection between Siberian and Na-Dene populations mediated by Paleo-Inuit peoples. According to these scholars, in general, the Paleo-Inuits had large proportions of Beringian ancestry, which includes Chukotko-Kamchatkan and Eskaleut (Eskimo-Aleut), Siberian, and Southeast Asian ancestry. Furthermore, some geneticists and archaeologists, such as David Reich, have hypothesized that the Paleo-Eskimos spread the Na-Dene languages into the American continent, which would make the Paleo-Inuits cultural and linguistic relatives (if not ancestors) of Na-Dene peoples. In 2019, scholars concluded that the Paleo-Inuit people were the ancestors not only of modern Na-Dene-speaking peoples but also of the Eskimo-Aleut speakers.” ref

“According to Pavel Flegontov, the Arctic Small Tool tradition may have originated in East Siberia about 5,000 years ago, a view supported by an ancient DNA study: “Paleo-Inuit archeological cultures are grouped under the Arctic Small Tool tradition, and include the Denbigh, Choris, Norton, and Ipiutak cultures in Alaska, and the Saqqaq, Independence, Pre-Dorset, and Dorset cultures in the Canadian Arctic and Greenland. The Arctic Small Tool tradition source has been argued to lie in the Syalakh-Bel’kachi-Ymyakhtakh culture sequence of East Siberia, dated to 6,500 – 2,800 years ago.” ref

Speculations, Critical Thinking, Evidence, Mississippian Culture Religion (with deeper connections) (VIDEO)

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“Palaeo-Inuit DNA (Palaeo-Eskimo genetic ancestry) and the peopling of Chukotka (Chukotko-Kamchatkan language speakers: such as the Chukchi, Koryak, and Itelmen) and North America (Na-Dene and Eskimo–Aleut languages) 5,000 years ago. Paleo-Eskimos contributed substantially to the ancestry of Native Americans speaking Na-Dene languages. An unspecified Asian source contributed around 43% of the ancestry of Eskimo-Aleut speakers and around 10% of the ancestry of Chipewyans, a Northern Athabaskan-speaking population. Our analyses show that this Asian source corresponds to the ancestral population we term proto-Paleo-Eskimos. Researchers show that within this lineage, two sub-lineages formed that contributed to almost all Na-Dene speakers and to Neo-Eskimos, respectively. A different study stated that Northern Athabaskan speakers did not receive Paleo-Eskimo admixture, but it proposed admixture between Athabaskans and Eskimo-Aleut speakers. Results show that Paleo-Eskimo ancestry is a nearly perfect tracer-dye for speakers of Na-Dene languages, including the most divergent linguistically (Tlingit) and the most geographically remote ones (Southern Athabaskans, including the Navajo language as well as various Apache groups). It is plausible that Paleo-Eskimos rather than Neo-Eskimos contributed to Na-Dene populations in light of archaeological evidence. The arrival of Neo-Eskimos (the Birnirkand Thule cultures) into western Alaska is dated to 1,350 – 1,150 years ago, but at that point Tlingit had probably already come to occupy their current position in southeastern Alaska. It has been hypothesized that the spread of Southern Athabaskan speakers from the Subarctic was triggered by a massive volcanic ash fall 1,100 years ago. If this hypothesis is correct, both Tlingit and Apache would have had little opportunity to mix with newly arriving Neo-Eskimos, which would explain why analysis shows that southern Athabaskan speakers and Tlingit have the Paleo-Eskimo ancestry but not the Neo-Eskimo ancestry. In contrast, Paleo-Eskimo peoples lived alongside Na-Dene ancestors for millennia, providing ample opportunity for genetic interaction16. Although archaeological evidence for such interaction across the coastal-interior cultural boundary remains sparse16,46, our genetic analyses show substantial gene flow from Paleo-Eskimos (25-40% in ancient Northern Athabaskans).” ref, ref, ref

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With art by Damien

I speculate that mythological and cosmological ideas from Ancient Egypt moved with haplogroup Y-DNA E to the area of the Proto-Indo-European language around 5,000 years ago, and these ideas then moved with Early Proto-Indo-European migrations from the Pontic steppes and across Central Asia to Siberia, also around 5,000 years ago, becoming the Afanasievo culture (early PIE) that then transferred to Siberian cultures, which moved into the Americas with the Paleo-Inuit migration around 5,000 years ago. This influenced the Pacific Northwest cultures, like Na-Dene language speakers (Tlingit, around 5,000-year-old culture) and others (Tsimshian, around 5,000-year-old culture), Penutian language speakers, and these ideas then moved down the coast to California, and then California moved these ideas down to Peru (5,000 years ago?), at least 4,200 years ago.

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Three Part Universe and the World Tree

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With art by Damien

In Uralic, Siberian, Native American, and Indo-European mythology, the World Tree is an axis connecting the upper world, the middle human realm, and the lower underworld. World Tree appears in Hungarian, Turkic, Mongol, Armenian, Norse, Germanic, Slavic, Finnish, Baltic, Chinese, and Hindu mythology.

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Three Realm/Tripartite Worldview Mythological Cosmologies

In various cultural worldviews, mythological, and metaphysical systems, the universe is often divided into (three-part/tripartite structure) Three Cosmic Layers: Celestial/Heavenly Realm (The Upper World), Terrestrial/Earth Realm (The Middle World), and Chthonic/Underworld Realm (The Lower World) ref

“The world tree, also known as the cosmic tree, is a motif present in several religions and mythologies, particularly Indo-European, Siberian, and Native American religions. The world tree is represented as a colossal tree which supports the heavens, thereby connecting the heavens, the terrestrial world, and, through its roots, the underworld.” ref

“In 20th-century comparative mythology, the term axis mundi – also called the cosmic axis, world axis, world pillar, center of the world, or world tree – has been greatly extended to refer to any mythological concept representing “the connection between Heaven and Earth” or the “higher and lower realms. The axis mundi symbol may be found in cultures utilizing shamanic practices or animist belief systems, in major world religions. Items presented as examples of the axis mundi by comparative mythologists include plants (notably a tree but also other types of plants such as a vine or stalk), a mountain, a column of smoke or fire, or a product of human manufacture (such as a staff, a tower, a ladder, a staircase, a maypole, a cross, a steeple, a rope, a totem pole, a pillar, a spire).” ref

“The cosmological structure of the drum and the Sami cyclic world view: What becomes manifest on the surface of the shaman drum is a Sami Weltanschauung of a tripartite universe. It consists of the upper realm of the heavenly deities, the middle or human realm, and the lower realm, Jábmiidáibmu, or the upside-down world. They are, however, connected with a pillar having a peive or the sun as its center. The sun is located in the center of the whole drum, surrounded by gods, people, animals, and other symbols in a symmetric configuration towards the center. The location of the figures, as well as the whole structure of the drum with its oval form, seem to indicate a cyclic view of life.” ref, ref  

“In Mesopotamian cosmology, heaven and earth both had a three-part (tripartite) structure: a Lower Heaven/Earth, a Middle Heaven/Earth, and an Upper Heaven/Earth.” ref

“The Hebrew Bible depicted a three-part world, with the heavens (shamayim) above, Earth (eres) in the middle, and the underworld (sheol) below. After the 4th century BCE, this was gradually replaced by a Greek scientific cosmology of a spherical Earth surrounded by multiple concentric heavens.” ref

“Bronze Age tripartite cosmologies: In some of its structural basics this cosmology of the Nordic Bronze Age shows some interesting parallels to the religion of Ancient Egypt.” ref 

“The trifunctional hypothesis is a theory that prehistoric Proto-Indo-European society and religion reflected a tripartite ideology (“idéologie tripartite”) organized around three functions: the sacral, or sovereign, the martial, and the productive, or economic. These functions were sometimes associated with three social classes or castes: priests, warriors, and commoners (farmers, herders, craftspeople, or tradesmen). In later formulations, the hypothesis concerned a religious and ideological structure rather than a direct reconstruction of three original social classes.” ref 

AI Overview: The structural framework is found across global traditions to explain how reality is organized.

1. The Celestial Realm (The Upper World)

• Names: Heaven, Overworld, Asgard, Svarga, the Empyrean.
• Inhabitants: Gods, deities, angels, ascended masters, and supreme spiritual cosmic forces.
• Symbolism: Enlightenment, absolute truth, order, light, and the ultimate source of creation. It represents the highest state of consciousness.

2. The Terrestrial Realm (The Middle World)

• Names: Earth, Midgard, Bhumi, the physical plane.
• Inhabitants: Humans, animals, plants, and physical nature.
• Symbolism: The space of duality, balance, and transition. It acts as the bridge where the cosmic forces of the Upper and Lower worlds interact, creating the physical experience of time and space.

3. The Chthonic Realm (The Lower World)

• Names: The Underworld, Netherworld, Patala, Helheim, Hades.
• Inhabitants: Ancestors, spirits, demons, chthonic deities, and primordial forces.
• Symbolism: The subconscious mind, the unseen roots of existence, secrets, death, and rebirth. It is rarely viewed purely as “evil” in ancient traditions, but rather as a place of transformation and foundational energy.

Dene–Yeniseian languages

Dene–Yeniseian (which I am starting to think entered the Americas twice, once 7,000 to 6,000 years ago with Haplogroup C Y-DNA, first. Then, a second time around 5,500 to 5,000 years ago, with Haplogroup Q Y-DNA, it then spread to Haplogroup C Y-DNA. Yeniseian-speaking Ket people of Siberia have one of the highest frequencies of Y-DNA Haplogroup Q in Eurasia, up to 94%.) It is a proposed language family consisting of the Yeniseian languages of central Siberia and the Na–Dene languages of northwestern North America. As for the wider Dene–Caucasian hypothesis, while Vajda did not find the kinds of morphological correspondences with these other families that he did with Yeniseian and Na–Dene, he did not rule out the possibility that such evidence exists, and urges that more work be done.” ref

I used to agree with the common claim that Na-Dene speakers brought Haplogroup C Y-DNA to the Americas approximately 8,000 to 6,000 years ago. But I now think it is likely that Dene–Yeniseian arrived twice, once closer to 7,000 to 6,000 years ago, with Haplogroup C Y-DNA. Then again, around 5,500 to 5,000 years ago, with Haplogroup Q Y-DNA, a time that aligns with the linguistic evidence, suggesting the Tlingit language likely separated from the Na-Dené language family roughly 5,000 years ago. Tlingit Y-DNA is predominantly represented by Haplogroup Q Y-DNA, with high diversity. 

Religion of the Tlingit

“Tlingit thought and belief, although never formally codified, were historically a fairly well-organized philosophical and religious system whose basic axioms shaped the way Tlingit people viewed and interacted with the world around them. Tlingits were traditionally animists, and hunters ritually purified themselves before hunting animals. Shamans, primarily men, cured diseases, influenced weather, aided in hunting, predicted the future, and protected people against witchcraft. A central tenet of the Tlingit belief system is the reincarnation of both humans and animals.” ref

“The Tlingit believed in a creator, Kah-shu-goon-yah, whose name was sacred and never mentioned above a whisper. This primordial grandfather, or “divisible-rich-man,” controlled the sun, moon, stars, and daylight in addition to creating all living things. Little more is known of him. The sacred past centers upon Raven (cultural hero, benefactor, trickster, and rascal), who was credited with organizing the world in its present form and in initiating many Tlingit customs. Raven was never represented, symbolized, or made equal with the supreme being who transcended Tlingit legends. The Tlingit inhabited a world filled with spirits, or jek. These spirits could manifest their power through individuals, animals, or things. Since every material object or physical force could be inhabited by a spirit, the Tlingit were taught to respect everything in the universe. The penalty for disrespect was the loss of the ability to obtain food. Properly purified persons could acquire spirit power for curing illnesses, for protection in warfare, for success in obtaining wealth, and for ceremonial prerogatives.” ref

“Each Tlingit had a mortal and an immortal spirit. Two options open to youths were to seek good power and help the community or to seek evil power and threaten the community. Every Tlingit had a personal guardian spirit, or tu-kina-jek. Spirit doctors, or ichet, received more powerful spirits and therefore could treat the sick with herbs, discern the presence of evil, predict the future, and protect the community from evil forces. Witches, or nukw-sati, sought evil power and used it to harm others. Dancing societies never gained a major foothold in Tlingit society as they did in neighboring Northwest Coast tribes. The Tlingit sought their power primarily through their clan spirit doctor, whom they trusted to help and not to harm them. Politicoreligious ceremonies called potlatches, or koolex, marked significant events in the life of the clan and its members. Sacred songs, dances, symbols, and stories accompanied all changes in social stature, political leadership, and ceremonial objects within the clan. Spirits of the dead traveled to the appropriate level of heaven commensurate with their moral conduct in this life. Morally respectable people went to the highest heaven, Kiwa-a, a realm of happiness; moral delinquents went to a second level, or Dog Heaven, Ketl-kiwa, a place of torment. Individuals remained in the afterworld for a period of time and then returned to this world as a reincarnation of some deceased maternal relative.” ref

Religion of the Tsimshian

“Tsimshian religion centered on the “Lord of Heaven,” who aided people in times of need by sending supernatural servants to Earth to aid them. The Tsimshian phrase for the “Lord of Heaven” or “Chief in Heaven” combines la̱xha (meaning heaven, sky, or up above) and sm’oogyet (meaning a male chief or lord). A Tsimshian shaman—traditionally known as a halait—acted as a spiritual healer, mediator, and protector. The Tsimshian believed that charity and purification of the body (either by cleanliness or fasting) were the route to the afterlife.” ref. ref, ref

“Tsimshian myth is known from orally passed tales. An adaawx(or true tellings) is a story concerning animal spirits in human guise and is usually linked to the origin of the Earth and the peoples on it. A malesk, in contrast, is an adventure or history tale that purports to entertain rather than explain. The Raven spirit is known as We-gyet or Txamsem. Txamsem is said to have a brother named Logobola, who is responsible for the lack of fresh and clear water as well as the existence of the fog into which Txamsem became lost. The Raven, known as Txamsem or Giant, is a central figure in Tsimshian mythology, part of the Raven Tales mythology connecting the indigenous peoples of the Pacific Northwest Coast. The Raven is viewed as the creator of the universe and an intermediary between its physical and spiritual incarnations. Tsimshian creation myth presupposes a dark and still universe populated by a variety of animal spirits. An animal chief pampers his son, causing him to fall sick and die, and his intestines are burned. The next day a new youth appears in the bed, healthy and visible in the darkness, “bright as fire.” The boy is adopted by the chief. Initially, this boy does not eat, but slave spirits trick him into eating scabs. This triggers an enormous appetite in the boy, who begins to eat so much that the chief and villagers send him away with a raven blanket. The boy leaves and becomes Raven.” ref

Secret Societies of the Coastal Inhabitants of Northwest America

“As diverse as the gods and heroic legends appear, they almost all have in common with one another the fact that, in addition to gods and humans, animals also play a comparatively important role.  And the idea that the gods or spirits prefer to adopt the shapes of animals is found among almost all peoples of the earth.  Indeed, nowhere could this idea appear more distinctive than among the inhabitants of the Northwest Coast of America.  There, every year, according to the belief of the Indians, the various deities still come down to Earth in many shapes and at various times, showing themselves to humans and taking part in the celebrations held in their honor.  Most of these gods are well disposed toward humans. Indeed, almost every family claims descent from one god or another, so that to a certain extent a cordial communication is formed between gods and humans. Apart from family gods, people also believe in evil spirits which can bring misfortune to humanity, but their power is a lesser one, and they can be expelled and rendered harmless with relative ease by the medicine man and the mighty spirits of all types which are in alliance with him.” ref

“Several intelligent and, as they allege, inspired men in each tribe take the role of representatives of the gods.  They form secret societies so that their secret arts and teachings, their mummery and masques, are not disclosed to the uninitiated and to the people in general.  These performances are supposed to instill, especially amongst youth and women, beliefs in the old traditions about the communication of the gods with humans and about their own intimate connections to the gods.  In order to convince the possible doubter, members of the secret society take recourse to all kinds of mysterious procedures which to a civilized person must appear extremely crude. For example, they mutilate their bodies, tear apart and consume corpses, tear pieces from the bodies of living persons, and the like.  Bordering on disorder, the excessive personal vanity observed among the Northwest Indians, as well as the addiction to turn oneself into someone who is considered famous and respected and to be regarded as something special, may also have served as a motive for joining secret societies, since each of their members enjoys great standing of that kind.” ref

“A closer and more thorough knowledge of the various customs in the secret societies is naturally very difficult for the foreigner, for even among the participating Indians only few have an understanding of what is happening in their midst.  Only those who are members of a secret society can describe their proceedings, but do not readily disclose anything, because otherwise their secrets would cease to be secrets, and also because betrayal can be punished with severe penalties, even with death. Among the secret societies mentioned, the Hamatsa are the most respected and most famous, on the one hand because they must be of high descent, on the other hand because of their actions, which in the eyes of the people make them somewhat demonic and feared persons. The Hamatsa society is the highest-ranking and most prestigious secret dancing society of the Kwakwakaʼwakw (Kwakiutl). The society centers on the myth of Baxbaxwalanuksiwe, a giant man-eating spirit from the north end of the world who is accompanied by supernatural cannibal birds like the Raven and Crooked Beak. The Kwakiutl and the neighboring tribes recognize among the Hamatsa several men (occasionally also women) in each village who practice a kind of cannibalism.  The right to become a Hamatsa can only be gained through high birth or marriage into families which possess the privilege. ” ref, ref, ref, ref, ref

Animal pelt caps and Mississippian ritual sodalities: “Archaeologists have become increasingly interested in ancient belief systems, and it is recognized that the material remains of past societies may effectively aid in constructing informed interpretations of religious institutions and ritual practice. Recent research seeks linkages between ethnographic accounts and eastern Woodlands representational imagery. Depictions of animal pelt headdresses and Marshall Plains ethnographic accounts are used to argue that Mississippian figural imagery denotes more than status ascription. Animal pelt headgear was a distinctive and prominent feature of Mississippian belief systems, which materialized transcendent beings in figural art. The implication is that Mississippian ritual sodalities may be comparable to historic prairie–plains exemplars.” ref

The Role of Secret Societies (Ritual Sodalities)

• Theatrical Legerdemain: Secret societies maintained their influence by staging intense public performances and theatrical illusions (legerdemain). These rituals included symbolic mock-decapitations and resurrections designed to mimic the exploits of supernatural figures like the Hero Twins. [1, 2, 3, 4]
• Entheogenic Rituals: Recent archaeological residue testing confirms that some of these secretive groups controlled the distribution and ritual use of psychoactive plants like Datura to facilitate vision quests, dream interpretation, and spiritual transformations. [1, 2]
• Exclusive Insignia: Membership in a specific society was signaled through exclusive regalia. Members wore unique animal pelt caps (such as panther or bear), bore specific body tattoos, and carried non-functional, oversized ceremonial weaponry (like the stylized flint maces found in the Duck River Cache). [1, 2]
• The iconic artifacts unearthed at major Mississippian hubs like Cahokia, Spiro Mounds, and Moundville were the sacred property (sacra) of these high-ranking secret societies. The imagery engraved on repoussé copper plates and marine shell cups outlined a highly complex, layered universe: [1, 2, 3]

“The social organization of the Mississippian culture was based on warfare, which was represented by an array of motifs and symbols in articles fashioned from costly raw materials such as conches from Florida, copper from the Great Lakes area and Appalachian Mountains, lead from northern Illinois and Iowa, pottery from Tennessee, and stone tools from Kansas, Texas, and southern Illinois. Such objects occur in elite burial sites alongside war axes, maces, and other weapons. Other artifacts discovered in these burial sites bear cosmic imagery depicting animals, humans, and legendary creatures. This symbolic imagery united warfare, cosmology, and nobility into a comprehensive system. Some of these categories of artifacts were used as badges of chiefly office, which varied from one location to another. The term Southeast Ceremonial Complex refers to a complex, highly variable set of religious mechanisms that supported the authority of local chiefs. Most imagery focuses on cosmology and the supernatural beings who inhabit and influence the cosmos.” ref

“The cosmological map encompassed real geographic locations, both in this world and the supernatural realm of the Otherworld. The cosmos is portrayed in three levels. The Above World, or Overworld, was the home of the Thunderers, the Sun, Moon, and Morning Star, or Red Horn (He Who Wears Human Heads for Earrings), and represented order and stability. The Middle World was the earth that humans inhabit. The Beneath World, or Under World, was a cold, dark place of Chaos that was home to the Underwater Panther and Corn Mother (Old Woman Who Never Dies). These three worlds were connected by an axis mundi, usually portrayed as a cedar tree or a striped pole reaching from the Under World to the Over World. Each of the three levels was also believed to feature its own sub-levels. Central to the worldview of the S.E.C.C. was the concept of duality and opposition. The beings of the upper and lower spheres were in constant opposition to each other. Ritual and ceremony were the means by which these powerful forces could be accessed and harnessed.” ref  

AI Overview: Native American spirituality is sometimes associated with secret orders; specialized religious societies are distinct features of other regions—such as the Antap Society of the California Chumash, the Midewiwin or the Grand Medicine Society of the Great Lakes, or the ritual winter masking societies of the Northwest Coast. [1, 2]

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“Bird stones were mostly made east of the Mississippi, and the thousands in existence have been found primarily in New York, Ohio, Michigan, and Wisconsin. The stones range in length from 1 to 9 inches (2.5 to 22.9 cm), and have unique variations in style. Most are ground from grayish green, banded slate, and occasionally porphyry. In southern Wisconsin, two regional traditions of treating the dead, called Red Ocher people “Algonquian language-speakers” (3,000 to 2,400 years ago) and Glacial Kame culture (10,000 to 3,000 years ago, but Glacial Kame culture birdstones start 5,000 years ago), also emerged during the Late Archaic. Red Ocher Complex burials are usually in a flexed position in a pit excavated from a natural ridge or knoll, often made of sand or gravel. The burials are accompanied by grave goods, the most distinctive of which is a blue-grey to almost black, fine-grained chert cache blade. Artifacts also found in these graves include large white chert blades, cubic galena (lead ore) crystals, copper artifacts (usually beads and awls), ground stone artifacts (stone tube pipes, birdstones, gorgets), and necklaces made of shell beads traded from Native groups in marine environments. The graves were then capped by powdered red ocher, a mineral ranging in color from mustard yellow to bright red. A point type commonly associated with the Red Ocher burial style is called a turkey-tail point, because the base end resembles the tail of a turkey. The second burial technique, called Glacial Kame, is thought to be a forerunner to Red Ocher. The burials were placed in gravel knolls and had grave goods such as marine shell ornaments, beads, and gorgets.” ref, ref

“The Pacific Northwest tribes used a similar tool made of wood, also bird-shaped. It has also been suggested that these artifacts were worn as decorative items denoting marriage status or pregnancy, and as totems representing tribes.” ref

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“Tlingit, Haida, Eyak & Tsimshian Culture: The Tlingit, Haida, Tsimshian, and Eyak live throughout Alaska’s southeastern panhandle — the Inside Passage region — sharing many cultural similarities with groups along the Pacific Northwest Coast, from Alaska through Canada all the way down to northwestern California. The Eyak, Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian share a common and similar Northwest Coast Culture with important differences in language and clan system. Anthropologists use the term “Northwest Coast Culture” to define the Eyak, Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian cultures, as well as that of other peoples indigenous to the Pacific coast, extending as far as northern Oregon. The Eyak, Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian have a complex social system consisting of moieties, phratries, and clans. Eyak, Tlingit, and Haida divide themselves into moieties, while the Tsimshian divide into phratries. All were hunter-fisher-gatherers, yet each local group of Eyak, Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian had at least one permanent winter village with various seasonal camps close to food resources.” ref

“The houses held 20-50 people, usually of one main clan. Houses, totem poles, daily utensils, storage and cooking boxes, transportation, ceremonial objects, labrets (worn by high-status women), and clothes were all made of wood and wood products. The Eyak, Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian are known for a ceremony called the “potlatch” and feasts. Potlatches are formal ceremonies. Feasts, a less formal but similar event, are more common with the Haida, in which debt was paid to the opposite clan. High-ranking Eyak, Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian clans and/or individuals were expected to give potlatches. However, a potlatch could be given by a commoner who could raise his position by doing so. Except in the Haida tradition, the host would not raise his personal status, but rather the status of his children. Potlatches were held for the following occasions: a funeral or memorial potlatch, whereby the dead are honored; the witness and validation of the payment of a debt, or naming an individual; the completion of a new house; the completion and naming of clan regalia; a wedding; the naming of a child; the raising of a totem pole; or to rid the host of a shame. Potlatches might last days and would include feasting, speeches, singing, and dancing. Guests witness and validate the events and are paid with gifts during the ceremony. In potlatches, there would be a feast; however, a feast does not constitute a potlatch.” ref

Tlingit and Tsimshian share deep cultural, artistic, and religious traditions, alongside clear genetic links like mt-DNA haplogroup A2.

“The Tlingit language, recognized as one of the oldest branches of the family, may have split from the Eyak-Athapaskan branch about 5,000 years ago. Around 5,000 years ago, the coastal art and aesthetic styles associated with the Northwest Coast began to appear. By 3,000 years ago, the cultures of the Northwest Coast were largely the same as those observed at the time of contact. Proto-Athapaskan itself may have originated in the subarctic region of North America some 3,000 years ago. All Northwest Coast groups have some form of an exogamous matrilineal clan system. In these systems, clan status is passed from mothers to their children. Based on this status, individuals have access to specific clan territories for hunting and fishing, and can use clan-specific crests for decorating clothing and dwellings. The clan system is comprised by two moieties or reciprocating descent groups. For the Tlingit and Eyak, clans are grouped into Raven (Yéil) or Eagle/Wolf (Ch’aak’/Gooch) moieties. Traditionally, moiety membership influenced marriage practices, whereby persons belonging to Eagle clans would marry those from Raven clans, and vice versa. Like the Tlingit and Eyak, the Haida are grouped into two moieties, although the clans belonging to the Haida Eagle moiety would belong to the Tlingit Raven moiety. By contrast, the Tsimshian have four phratries instead of two moieties. Thus, all Northwest Coast populations are organized into maternally linked clans, grouped into exogamous units, which influence their social and ritual practices, and probably also their genetic make-up. Haida and Tlingit populations had mtDNA profiles that resembled those of other northern populations from Alaska and Canada. The vast majority of individuals had mtDNAs belonging to Native American haplogroup A2, while most of the rest belonged to haplogroups C and D, which are also indigenous in origin. None of these populations possessed haplogroup B2 or X2a mtDNAs, which appear in Amerindian populations to the south.” ref

“Tsimshian populations carry specific sublineages of mt-DNA haplogroup A2, like A2ag and A2ah. Four ancient and three living individuals of the northern Northwest Coast of North America, specifically the north coast of British Columbia, Canada, current home to the indigenous Tsimshian, Haida, and Nisga’a. The mitogenomes of all individuals were previously unknown and assigned to new sub-haplogroup designations D4h3a7, A2ag, and A2ah. The analysis of mitogenomes allows for more detailed analyses of presumed ancestor–descendant relationships than sequencing only the HVSI region of the mitochondrial genome, a more traditional approach in local population studies. The results of this study provide contrasting examples of the evolution of Native American mitogenomes. Those belonging to sub-haplogroups A2ag and A2ah exhibit temporal continuity in this region for 5000 years up until the present day. Of possible associative significance is that archaeologically identified house structures in this region maintain similar characteristics for this same period of time, demonstrating cultural continuity in residence patterns. The individual dated to 6000 years before present (BP) exhibited a mitogenome belonging to sub-haplogroup D4h3a. This sub-haplogroup was earlier identified in the same general area at 10300 years ago on Prince of Wales Island, Alaska, and may have gone extinct, as it has not been observed in any living individuals of the Northwest Coast.” ref, ref

“Tt has been suggested that there have been at least three distinct waves of migration: the first wave, which contributed ancestry to all non-Inuit Indigenous peoples of the Americas; a second wave, which included the Paleo-Inuit (previously referred to as Paleo-Eskimos), a people of the Dorset culture who reportedly came to the Americas from Siberia ∼6 thousand years ago; and the third wave, which included the Neo-Inuit, a people of the Thule culture who settled in the Arctic ∼1 thousand years ago, possibly replacing the Paleo-Inuit, and giving rise to the present-day Inuit. It has been shown that mid- to late-Holocene genomes obtained from individuals on the British Columbia coast show affinity with genomes of present-day Indigenous Americans in the region, providing evidence of genetic continuity therein. Specifically, maternal genetic continuity for at least 5,500 years in coastal British Columbia, and the Tsimshian territory in particular, has been demonstrated. In addition, exome sequences from 25 ancient individuals from the Prince Rupert Harbor region in the Tsimshian Territory of coastal British Columbia exhibit genetic affinity with modern Tsimshian people. Haplogroup A2 remains the most frequently reported mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) lineage in northern North America, and it is particularly common along the Pacific Northwest Coast, reaching frequencies >90% among the Haida and Tlingit people.” ref

“The presence of the A2aq lineage in both the Tsimshian and the Tlingit territories over the last few thousand years raises the question as to where in the Pacific Northwest Coast this haplotype first appeared ∼9 ka (the age estimate of its most recent common ancestor). One possible scenario is the initial appearance of this haplotype in the Tsimshian territory in British Columbia, followed by a northward migration to the Tlingit territory in Southeast Alaska sometime before 3,000 years ago (the age of TYYS). The fact that the oldest ancient sample belonging to this lineage comes from Tsimshian territory supports this scenario. Moreover, this scenario is also consistent with the Tlingit oral tradition that most Tlingit clans trace their origins to the Tsimshian coast, around the mouth of the Skeena River, from which they migrated northward. Indeed, the original migration stories of both the Raven and the Eagle clans included this northward movement. An alternative scenario to explain the presence of A2aq in both Tsimshian and Tlingit territories could be a movement of people southward from Tlingit to Tsimshian territory. Under this scenario, a southward movement must have occurred at least ∼4,855 years ago, a limit imposed by the age of the oldest known ancient individual from Tsimshian territory with the A2aq haplotype (160a). Another possible explanation is that people (along with the A2aq haplotype) moved into the Tlingit and Tsimshian territories independently from a third location that already harbored the A2aq haplotype. It is important to point out, however, that inference on the origin of this haplotype is limited by the very small sample size studied here, and any interpretations may change with increased data.” ref 

“A2 is found in Chukotko–Kamchatka (The Chukchi  a Siberian ethnic group in the farthest East of  Russian Far East/Siberia: at the maritime border on the Bering Strait with the U.S. state of Alaska to the east. According to several studies on genomic show, the Chukchi are the closest Asian relatives of the Indigenous peoples of the Americas.) and is also one of five mtDNA haplogroups found in the indigenous peoples of the Americas, the others being B, C, D, and X. Haplogroup A2 is the most common haplogroup among the Inuit, Na-Dene, and many Amerind ethnic groups of North and Central America. Lineages belonging to haplogroup A2 also comprise the majority of the mtDNA pool of the Inuit and their neighbors, the Chukchis, in northeasternmost Siberia.” ref, ref

“In Chukchi religion, every object, whether animate or inanimate, is assigned a spirit. This spirit can be either harmful or benevolent. Some of Chukchi myths reveal a dualistic cosmology. A Chukchi shaman once explained to the ethnographer Vladimir Bogoraz that “The lamp walks around. The walls of the house have voices of their own. … Even the shadows on the wall constitute definite tribes and have their own country, where they live in huts and subsist by hunting.” During Chukchi rituals, shamans fall into trances (sometimes with the aid of hallucinogenic mushrooms), communicate with spirits, allow the spirits to speak through them, predict the future, and cast spells. Early Russian ethnographers observed that Chukchi shamans were said to be called by spirits, dreams, or omens, and were believed to be capable of flight, exorcism, and healing. Some shamans were called by mystical forces to engage in a form of ritualized homosexual relations with other men. This ritual typically involved a gender change through a religious ceremony that, it was believed, transformed his genitalia into that of a female. After the change, he might dress in women’s clothing and behave in feminine ways. He was then believed to “lose” masculine traits like hunting skill, and instead take on “feminine” traits, like healing and nurturing. Some of these shamans would take male lovers and could even marry other men, and the shaman would take on a “wifely” role.” ref

ref

A2 — Ache, Waiwai, Zoro, Surui, Waiapi, Poturujara, Kayapo, Katuena, Guarani, Arsario, Cayapa, Dogrib, ancient Canada, USA (Pennsylvania, California), Mexico (Zapotec), Cuba, Dominican Republic, Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador, Peru, Argentina [TMRCA 10,600 (95% CI 9,600 ↔ 11,700) years ago]

• A2a — Eskimo (Greenland, Chukotka), Chukchi
• A2a1 — Inuit (Canada), Selkup
• A2a2 — Eskimo (Chukotka), Chukchi
• A2a3 — Eskimo (Greenland, Canada, Chukotka), Chukchi
• A2a4 — USA (New Mexico, Arizona), Mexico (Chihuahua)
• A2a5 — Apache, USA (California, Arizona, New Mexico, Texas), Canada (Cree, Shuswap)
• A2b — Chukchi
• A2b1 — Chukchi, Koryak, Eskimo (Chukotka, Canada, Greenland)
• A2d — USA (Mexican, Hispanic)
• A2d1 — USA (Mexican)
• A2d1a — USA (Hispanic)
• A2d2 — USA (Hispanic)
• A2f1 — Newfoundland
• A2f1a — Canada, USA (Native American)
• A2f2 — USA (Mexican, Hispanic), Mexico
• A2f3 — USA (Mexican, Hispanic)
• A2g — USA (Mexican, Hispanic), Mexico
• A2g1 — USA (Mexican, Hispanic), Latin America
• A2h — Colombia (Cocama of Amazonas, Arhuaco), Yanomama, Kogui
• A2h1 — USA (Mexican, Hispanic), Mexico, Latin America
• A2i — USA (Hispanic, etc.), Canada (Ojibwa, Prince Edward Island, Pabos in Quebec)
• A2j — USA (Hispanic)
• A2j1 — USA (Hispanic)
• A2k — USA (Puerto Rico)
• A2k1 — Ecuador, Wayuu, Mexico
• A2k1a — Venezuela, Colombia (Pasto of Putumayo), USA (Hispanic)
• A2n — Canada
• A2am — USA (Puerto Rico, Hispanic), Venezuela. One ancient DNA found in Curaçao, in a Dabajuroid (Caquetio) site dating 1160-1500 CE.
• A2r — USA (Hispanic, Mexican), Cuba
• A2r1 — Mexico, USA (Mexican)
• A2t — USA (Mexican)
• A2v1 — USA (Mexican, Hispanic), Mexico (La Mixteca)
• A2v1a — Guatemala, USA (Mexican)
• A2v1b — Mexico
• A2v1i — Southwest USA (Indigenous, Mestizo(/a), Texas, Arizona, New Mexico, Mexican, Hispanic), Northern Mexico (Sonora, Chihuahua, Coahuila, Nuevo León, Tamaulipas) site dating in 600 CE. Modern Generation, there were few individuals found and carried with this haplogroup that is located in the Pacific Northwest.
• A2w — Colombia (Kogi, Guambiano of Putumayo), Arsario, USA (Mexican, Hispanic)
• A2w1 — Mexico, Cayman Islands, Guatemala (La Tinta), Panama (Guaymi), Colombia
• A2z — USA (Hispanic, Puerto Rico)
• A2ab – Brazil (PE, MT), Paraguay, Argentina
• A8a — Okunev culture, Ket, Selkup, Pakistan, Poland, Italy [TMRCA 11,000 (95% CI 8,000 ↔ 14,800) years ago]
• A8a* — Han Chinese (Guizhou), Korean
• A8a1 — Hungary, Albania [TMRCA 5,500 (95% CI 3,000 ↔ 9,200) years ago]
• A8a1* — Uyghur, Poland (Podhale), USA (Louisiana)
• A8a1a — Yakut, Uyghur, Buryat
• A8a2
• A8a2a — Kets (Kellog, etc.), Tofalar (Alygdzher) [TMRCA 2,200 (95% CI 125 ↔ 12,000) years ago]
• A8a2b — Tuvan (Bay-Tal), Poland
• A8b — Koryak [TMRCA 1,050 (95% CI 75 ↔ 5,600) years ago]
• A10 — China (Uyghur), Afghanistan (Hazara, Uzbek), Russia (Mansi, Volga Tatars, etc.), France, Canada, New York [TMRCA 9,200 (95% CI 4,900 ↔ 15,600) years ago]

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Haplogroup_A_(mtDNA)

ref, ref, ref, ref

With art by Damien

AI Overview: The Chukchi people refer to themselves as Luoravetlan (or ḷygʺoravètḷʹèt), which literally translates to “real people” or “genuine person”. Self-designation: They use Luoravetlan to describe themselves collectively as true or genuine human beings. Origin of “Chukchi”: The common name “Chukchi” comes from the Russian adaptation of the word chauchu, meaning “rich in reindeer,” which was originally used by inland reindeer herders to separate themselves from coastal groups. [1][1][1]

Original Tribal Names of Native North Americans (in their own languages)

Abenaki (Algonquian): (“dawn people”), also Alnombak (“the people”)

Anishinaabe (Algonquian): (“original people”)

Apache (Athabascan, part of Na-Dené, Tlingit): Mamaceqtaw (“the people”)

Arikara (Caddoan): Sahnish (“original people”)

Arapaho (Algonquian): Hinonoeino (“our people”)

Beaver/Tsatinne (Athabascan, part of Na-Dené, Tlingit): Dunne-Za (“real people”)

Caddo (Caddoan): Kadohadacho (“true chiefs”) or Hasinai (“our own people”)

Cayuse (Language isolate): Tetawken (“we people”)

Cherokee/Tsalagi (Muskogean): Aniyunwiya (“principal people”)

Cheyenne (Algonquian): Tsitsistas (“the people”)

Chipewyan (Athabascan, part of Na-Dené, Tlingit): Dene (“the people”)

Coeur d’Alene (Salishan): Schitsu’umsh (“the people found here”)

Comanche (Uto-Aztecan): Numinu (“the people”)

Cree (Algonquian): Iyiniwok/Ininiwok (“the people”)

Delaware (Algonquian): Lenape (“the people”), Lenni Lenape (“true people”)

Gwich’in or Kutchin (Athabascan, part of Na-Dené, Tlingit): Gwich’in (“the people”)

Hidatsa (Siouan): Nuxbaaga (“original people”)

Innu, Montagnais or Naskapi (Algonquian): Innu (“the people”)

Inuit (Eskaleut, Eskimo–Aleut, or Inuit–Yupik–Unangan): Inuit (“the people”)

Kiowa (Kiowa-Tanoan, most closely related to the Pueblo languages of the Southwest): Gaigwu (“principal people”)

Klamath (Penutian): Maklak (“the people”)

Mandan (Siouan): Numakiki (“people”)

Menominee (Algonquian): Mamaceqtaw (“the people”)

Mi’kmaq (Algonquian): L’nu’k (“the people”), Mi’kmaq (“my friends”)

Navajo (Athabascan, part of Na-Dené, Tlingit): Dine’e (“the people”)

Slavey (Athabascan, part of Na-Dené, Tlingit): Dene Tha (“the people”)

Tanaina (Athabascan, part of Na-Dené, Tlingit): Dena’ina (“the people”)

Tonkawa (Language isolate): Titska Watich (“civilized people”) or Tickanwa·tic (“real people”)

Ute (Uto-Aztecan): Nuutsiu or Nuntzi (“the people”)

Yurok (Algic-“Northern California”-Algonquian): Olekwo’l (the people) ref

AI Overview: The supreme creator and celestial being in traditional Chukchi mythology is often identified simply as the Creator (often associated with the Sun), while figures like the Raven (known as Kutkh or Quikinna’qu) also play a central role as a trickster and key creator figure in regional indigenous traditions. In Chukchi mythology, the ultimate creator and supreme being is conceptualized as dwelling in the sky and is often associated with the zenith, the sun, or the unchanging North Star. The Creator (Kanoirgin or Ku’urkil): The ultimate creator deity resides in the upper sky. In traditional Chukchi and neighboring Koryak narratives, the creator figure is also closely tied to the Raven archetype (known as Ku’urkil or analogous to the Raven/Big Raven Kutkh / Kutk’a). The creator and raven figure in Chukchi mythology is called Ku’urkil, which translates to “the self-created one”. [1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6]

• • The Creator and the Sun: In Chukchi traditional worldview, the Sun (vaśrgśn) is viewed as an individual living being and a superior celestial character. [1]
  • Superior Beings: Alongside the Sun, the Creator, Dawn, Zenith, Midday, and the North Star are ranked as special, powerful beings. [1]
  • Role: He acts as the primary creator deity and a powerful shaman, while also functioning as a traditional trickster. [1, 2]
  • Regional Parallels: He is closely related to the Raven creator figures found among neighboring indigenous Siberian peoples, such as Quikinna’qu (Big Raven) in Koryak mythology and Kutkh or Kutkhu among the Itelmens and Kamchadals. [1, 2]
  • The Raven Figure: Widely shared across northeastern Siberia (including the Chukchi, Koryak, and Itelmen peoples), the Raven acts as a powerful ancestral spirit, maker, and trickster. [1]
  • Animistic Practice: Reindeer herders historically looked to constellations and planets for guidance, offering sacrifices during specific celestial events like a full moon. [1]
  • The Zenith and Firmament: The chief celestial being residing at the zenith of the sky is called kanoirgin (meaning “being-a-crown” or “middle-crown”). [1]
  • The Sun (Vaъrgъn): Alongside the sky creator, the Sun is viewed as a powerful, distinct individual being and the most prominent celestial character in daily ritual and sacrifice. [1]
  • Celestial Views: While Ku’urkil is the main creator being, the Chukchi religion also views the Sun (vaъrgъn) as the most important celestial character and a superior living entity. [1]

“The Koryaks are culturally similar to the Chukchis of extreme northeastern Siberia. The Koryak language is linguistically close to the Chukchi language, and both are members of the Chukotko-Kamchatkan language family. It is possible that migratory peoples crossed the modern-day Koryak land en route to North America. Scientists have suggested that people traveled back and forth between this area and Haida Gwaii (“Islands of the Haida people“). Haida people live close to the Tlingit people in the Pacific Northwest and share deep cultural ties, despite having completely separate language roots.” ref, ref, ref  

“Koryaks believe in a Supreme Being whom they call by various names: ŋajŋənen (Universe/World), ineɣitelʔən (Supervisor), ɣət͡ɕɣoletənvəlʔən (Master-of-the-Upper-World), ɣət͡ɕɣolʔən (One-on-High), etc. He is considered to reside in Heaven with his family, and when he wishes to punish mankind for immoral acts, he falls asleep and thus leaves man vulnerable to unsuccessful hunting and other ills. Koryak mythology centers on the supernatural shaman Quikil (Big-Raven), who was created by the Supreme Being as the first man and protector of the Koryak. Big Raven myths are also found in Southeast Alaska in the Tlingit culture, and among the Haida, Tsimshian, and other Native people of the Pacific Northwest Coast Amerindians.” ref

AI Overview: In global mythology, giant or “big” ravens appear as powerful creator gods, cunning tricksters, and cosmic messengers bridging the worlds of the living and the dead. [1, 2, 3]

“Kutkh (also Kutkha, Kootkha, Kutq, Kutcha, and other variants; Russian: Кутх) is a Raven spirit traditionally revered in various forms by various indigenous peoples of the Russian Far East. Kutkh appears in many legends: as a key figure in creation, as a fertile ancestor of mankind, as a mighty shaman, and as a trickster. He is a popular subject of the animist stories of the Chukchi people and plays a central role in the mythology of the Koryaks and Itelmens of Kamchatka. Many of the stories regarding Kutkh are similar to those of the Raven among the indigenous peoples of the Pacific Northwest Coast, suggesting a long history of indirect cultural contact between Asian and North American peoples. Kutkh is known widely among the people who share a common Chukotko-Kamchatkan language family. Regionally, he is known as Kúrkil among the Chukchi; as Kutq among the Itelmens; and as KútqI, KútqIy, or KúsqIy among the southeastern Koryaks and KúykIy or QúykIy among the northwestern Koryaks. In Koryak, the name is employed commonly in its augmentative form (KutqÍnnaku, KusqÍnnaku, KuyÍnnaku), all meaning “Big Kutkh” and often translated simply as “God.” ref

“The tales of Kutkh come in many, often contradictory versions. In some tales he is explicitly created by a Creator and lets the dawn onto the earth by chipping away at the stones surrounding her. In others, he creates himself (sometimes out of an old fur coat) and takes pride in his independence from the Creator. In some, Kamchatka is created as he drops a feather while flying over the earth. In others, islands and continents are created by his defecation, rivers and lakes out of his waters. The difficult volcanic terrain and swift rivers of Kamchatka are thought to reflect Kutkh’s capricious and willful nature. The bringing of light in the form of the sun and the moon is a common theme. Sometimes, he tricks an evil spirit which has captured the celestial bodies, much in the style of analogous legends about the Tlingit and Haida in the Pacific Northwest. In others, it is he who must be tricked into releasing the sun and the moon from his bill.” ref

“Kutkh’s virility is emphasized in many legends. Many myths concern his children copulating with other animal spirits and creating the peoples that populate the world. In the animistic tradition of north-Eurasian peoples, Kutkh has a variety of interactions and altercations with Wolf, Fox, Bear, Wolverine, Mouse, Owl, Dog, Seal, Walrus, and a host of other spirits. Many of these interactions involve some sort of trickery in which Kutkh comes out on top about as often as he is made a fool of. Although Kutkh is supposed to have given mankind variously light, fire, language, fresh water, and skills such as net-weaving and copulation, he is also often portrayed as a laughingstock, hungry, thieving, and selfish. In its contradictions, his character is similar to that of other trickster gods, such as Coyote.” ref

Ravens in Native American mythology: “Raven Tales are the traditional human and animal creation stories of the indigenous peoples of the Pacific Northwest Coast. They are also found among Athabaskan-speaking peoples and others. Raven stories exist in nearly all of the First Nations throughout the region but are most prominent in the tales of the Haida, Tsimshian, Tlingit, and Tahltan people.” ref

• • Rulers as Intermediaries: Mississippian chiefs (such as the “Great Sun” of the Natchez) served as sacred mediators, claiming descent from or connection to sky powers to maintain cosmic and social order. [1, 2]
  • Solar Connection: Many Mississippian-derived historic groups, such as the Natchez, maintained an official sun cult centered on a supreme deity living in the sky and closely tied to the sun. [1]
  • The Great Spirit / High God?: Like many indigenous North American traditions, an overarching creator force or high god was tied to the celestial sphere and the cardinal directions, represented in art by the sacred circle-and-cross motif. [1, 2]

“Mississippian peoples founded the city of Cahokia in 1050 and likely had a population of at least 22,400 at its peak around 1124. Archaeologists believe it to be a planned social and religious project, with towering mounds built by a mix of Caddoan, Natchezan (Language isolate or distantly related to Muskogean), Muskogean, and Siouan peoples.” ref

“Mississippian period-related” Caddoan language: Great Spirit?

“Caddi Ayo means “Sky Chief” or “Chief Above” (also known as Chief Above or Great Father Above) in the Caddo language, and is the Caddo name for the Creator God. Sometimes the Plains Indian term “Great Spirit” is also used. Caddi Ayo is a divine spirit and is not generally personified in Caddo folklore. Related figures in other tribes: Nishanu (Arikara), Tirawa (Pawnee), Gitchie Manitou (Chippewa).” ref

“Mississippian period-related” Siouan language: Great Spirit?

“In Siouan-speaking traditions, the supreme creative power and sacred force of the universe is most commonly referred to as Wakan Tanka (among the Dakota/Lakota/Nakota) or Wakanda (among Dhegiha Siouan peoples like the Omaha, Osage, and Ponka). Hoocąk / Winnebago (Wakhą́ta): Cognate root denoting the sacred, holy, or divine aspect of reality. In Siouan religious traditions, the concept of a supreme creator is closely tied to the concept of a “Great Mystery” or an all-permeating sacred life force rather than a singular personified deity. Linguistically, this concept tracks back to the *Proto-Siouan root *wahką́* (meaning “sacred”, “holy”, or “spirit”).” ref, ref, ref, ref, ref, ref

“Mississippian period-related” Muskogean language: Great Spirit?

“In the Muskogean language family (which includes the languages of the Southeastern Native American tribes), traditional cosmologies feature a supreme, benevolent creator god. This deity is closely associated with the sky, the sun, light, and the ultimate life force. In Muscogee (Creek) & Seminole, the supreme creator and sky deity goes by several traditional names: Hesaketvmesē (pronounced Hisa-kita immi-see): Translates to “Master of Breath” or “The One who holds life’s breath.” He is the head of the pantheon, living in the Upper World. He brought order to chaos, created the first humans from clay, and is profoundly linked with the sun. Ibofanga (or Epohfvnkv): Translates directly to “The One Siting Above Us” or “The Sky Father.” He represents the absolute purity, order, and permanence of the celestial realm.” ref, ref, ref, ref, ref, ref, ref

“In Chickasaw & Choctaw, the Chickasaw supreme creator is recognized as a celestial being who resides above the clouds: Abaꞌ Binniꞌliꞌ (or Ababinili): Translates to “Sitting or Dwelling Above.” He is viewed as the sole creator of warmth, light, and all animal and vegetable life. Inki Abu: Meaning “Father Above” (a name that later blended traditional sky-father concepts with Christian terminology). The Choctaw language is closely related to Chickasaw and shares a nearly identical concept of a sky creator, though with distinct names: Aba: Translates simply to “The One Above.” Hvshtahli (or Hashtali): A contraction of Hvshi Atahli, meaning “The Sun’s Completed Order.” In traditional Choctaw belief, the sun was viewed as the physical “eye” of the great creator god looking down from the sky.” ref, ref, ref, ref

Concepts of Big man or Chief systems; simple, complex, or super-complex Notions of Chiefs, Chiefdoms, Chieftaincies, Chiefly Confederacies, and Chiefdom confederacies 

Clans and Chiefs?

Mississippian period cultures are related to the Hopewell period cultures, which in turn are related to the Adena culture.

“The Adena culture lived in small extended family groups that formed lineages or clans, with four to six clans making up a broader social group. Living arrangements: The Adena Culture lived in circular wooden houses, forming small, scattered farming and foraging villages. Lineage groups: Several extended families of 15 to 20 people grouped together to form a lineage or clan. Social groups: About four to six of these individual clans combined to form a local Adena community or social network. Villages and ceremonial events were likely guided by influential clan leaders, shamans, healers, or diplomats.” ref, ref

“The Hopewell inherited from their Adena forebears an incipient social stratification. This increased social stability and reinforced sedentism, specialized use of resources, and probably population growth. Hopewell societies cremated most of their deceased and reserved burial for only the most important people. In some sites, hunters apparently were given a higher status in the community: their graves were more elaborate and contained more status goods. The Hopewellian peoples had leaders, but they did not command the kind of centralized power to order armies of slaves or soldiers. These cultures likely accorded certain families a special place of privilege. Some scholars suggest that these societies were marked by the emergence of “big-men” (chief) leaders whose influence depended on their skill at persuasion in important matters such as trade and religion. They also perhaps augmented their influence by cultivating reciprocal obligations with other important community members. The emergence of “big-men” was a step toward the development of these societies into highly structured and stratified chiefdoms.” ref

“Most Mississippians retained the Hopewell clan system, where each clan functioned like a ritual society rather than solely kin groups, and travelers were able to obtain hospitality from a fellow clan member thousands of miles from their original home. Mississippian period chiefs held hereditary, absolute political and religious authority, often residing atop monumental earthen platform mounds as sacred intermediaries connected to the sun or gods. Leadership passed down through hereditary lines, frequently traced through maternal clans. Chiefs were treated as elites and claimed divine or solar ancestry, positioning them as links between the human and supernatural worlds. Leaders managed agricultural harvests (primarily maize, beans, and squash), oversaw tribute collection from smaller settlements, and directed public labor for massive building projects like earthworks. Chiefs and their families lived in larger houses atop flat-topped mounds, wore special garments, and were exempt from manual labor. Major urban and ceremonial sites like Cahokia (founded in CE 1050) in Illinois or Moundville in Alabama served as the bases of power for paramount chiefs who ruled over confederations of smaller surrounding villages. Society was split between a small ruling elite and a majority of commoners who farmed, hunted, and built the iconic mounds.” ref, ref, ref, ref, ref, ref, ref, ref, ref, ref, ref, ref, ref, ref, ref, ref, ref, ref, ref, ref, ref, ref

“Middle Mississippian period (c. 1200 – c. 1400): The waning of Cahokian dominance created a mild power vacuum in the Mississippian world, giving rise to the Middle Mississippian period; a multipolar Mississippian world dominated by many polities competing and collaborating with each other to obtain prestige goods. In Alabama, there was Pafalaya, consolidated around Moundville. A monumental center of arts and earthen architecture during this period, Moundville saw its peak in population around 1200, the culmination of population movements from the countryside beginning c. 1120. Around the same time, large monuments sprang up all over the nearby Yazoo River, a new manifestation of the Mississippian way of life known as the Plaquemine culture. Allies of Moundville, the largest sites of this region include Holly Bluff, Winterville, and Emerald mound sites, the latter having the tallest Mississippian mound after Cahokia (if one were to count the secondary mound on top of the base mound).” ref

“Several centers with links to Cahokia also grew in power. Located on the southern edge of the Appalachian Mountains, the chiefdom of Itaba built the tallest single temple mound after Cahokia in its namesake capital of Etowah, and became the leading regional hegemon. Itaba’s prominence and grandeur may have forced an alliance against Etowah, between the Koasati and Coosa polities to the north, paving the way for Itaba’s eventual collapse. At the northern edge of the American Southeast lay Angel Mounds, capital of Taarsite/Arkansa. Formerly a Cahokian mission, the religious leaders at Angel grew a vast network of hinterland sites across western Kentucky, peaking in the early 14th century. In Tallahassee, an area with a long tradition of platform mound construction dating before the Mississippian period, the Apalachee constructed the Okeeheepkee Mounds, likely with some influence from Cahokian inspirations.” ref

“On the western edge of the American South lay the Caddoan Mississippians, the Mississippian period descendants of the Fourche Maline culture. Heavily involved with the development of Cahokia, the Caddoans also constructed numerous mound sites of their own, like Spiro and the Battle Mound Site,in the Arkansas River Valley and the Red River Valley respectively. A center for world renewal ritualism, Spiro became a center for prestige goods coming from all over the Mississippian world, reaching gatherings of up to 10,000 people. The religious elite at Spiro erected a vast network of Sprioan ‘monasteries’, spanning over a hundred miles; missionary outposts for some sort of Spiro gospel.” ref

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“The Little Ice Age caused instability in the maize-growing Southeast, resulting in the development of the Nodena Arrow Point and the powerful southeastern longbow. Many settlements nucleated and increased defenses with larger palisades and moats, accompanied by the rise of a new warrior system based on merit. Entire river basins, like the Savannah River, were transformed into ‘Vacant Quarters’; unsettled buffer zones that lay between growing paramount chiefdoms. Several Mississippian paramountcies rose in political power, like the Cofitachequi in South Carolina, the aforementioned Apalachee in Florida, the Ocute in Georgia, and Coosa in the Appalachian Mountains. Scholars have studied the records of Hernando de Soto‘s expedition of 1539–1543 to learn of his contacts with Mississippians, as he traveled through their villages of the Southeast. He visited many villages, in some cases staying for a month or longer. The list of sites and peoples visited by the Hernando de Soto Expedition chronicles those villages. Some encounters were violent, while others were relatively peaceful. In some cases, de Soto seems to have been used as a tool or ally in long-standing native feuds.” ref 

Athabaskan language family is broken up into three groups, based on geographic distribution:

1. Northern Athabaskan languages
2. Pacific Coast Athabaskan languages
3. Southern Athabaskan languages, or “Apachean” 

“The Tsuutʼina in Alberta, Canada, are a Northern Athabaskan language-speaking people, once part of the more northerly Dane-zaa (‘Beaver Indians’) nation. Tsuutʼina oral history has preserved the memory of their separation from the Dane-zaa. In turn, the Plains Apache separated from the Tsuu’tina on the Northern Plains. Their language is closely related to the languages of the Dene groups of northern Canada and Alaska, and also to those of the Navajo and Apache peoples of the American Southwest, rather than the geographically nearer Blackfoot language and the Cree language, which are both Algonquian languages. The Tsuutʼina consisted of five bands, the Big Plumes, Crow Childs, Crow Chiefs, Old Sarcees and Many Horses, and each band was led by a chief.” ref

“The Apache are several Southern Athabaskan language-speaking peoples, or “Apachean,” of the Southwest, the Southern Plains, and Northern Mexico. They are linguistically related to the Navajo, and the term Apachean includes the related Navajo people. They migrated from the homelands of Northern Athabaskan-speaking peoples into the Southwest between 1000 and 1500 CE. The Apache and Navajo speak related languages of the Athabaskan language family. Other Athabaskan-speaking people in North America continue to reside in Alaska, western Canada, and the Northwest Pacific Coast. Anthropological evidence suggests that the Apache and Navajo peoples lived in these same northern locales before migrating to the Southwest sometime between CE 1200 and 1500. Southern Athabaskan, adapted many of their neighbors’ technology and practices into their own cultures.” ref

Religion of the Tsuutʼina

“Tsuutʼina traditional spirituality centers on an interconnected worldview where living elements, natural phenomena, and the spirit world are deeply intertwined. Traditional Tsuutʼina Nation beliefs hold that all parts of the natural world—including animals, plants, and geographic features—possess a spirit and demand respect. Spiritual specialists, often referred to as medicine people or shamans, traditionally act as intermediaries between the physical world and the supernatural forces. Central to Tsuutʼina spirituality is a deep relationship with the Creator. A cornerstone of their calendar, Tsuutʼina Day (celebrated annually on May 1), originates from a traditional moon month dedicated to thanking the Great Spirit for a new cycle of life following the winter.” ref, ref, ref, ref, ref, ref, ref, ref, ref

Religion of the Apache

“Traditional Apache religion is animistic and centered on devotional shamanism, viewing the universe as filled with living spiritual forces in nature. Apache religion is based on a spiritual worldview that guides the Apaches to live with respect. All Apaches carry this spiritual respect for the Creator (Ussen or Usen, related to “Great Spirit”), the Four Directions, Mother Earth, and certain deities in the sky, like the North Star, the sun, the moon, and some of the other stars that are there. These deities take care of humans and so must be revered. The desire to build correct relations in accordance with the stories provides direction for life and a means by which Lipans cultivate knowledge and the power to heal. Through this alignment of the stories with personal vision and action, medicine is acquired. Medicine is intended for the good of one’s family and tribe, and when a person pursues and utilizes such power for personal gain at the expense of others, this is understood as witchcraft or the misuse of power.” ref, ref, ref

“An account of the creation of the earth involves the prophets Killer-of-Enemies and his brother Child of Water, as well as their mother ‘Isánáklésh, also known as Changing Woman. ‘Isánáklésh’s part in the creation story is the model for the girls’ puberty ceremony that is common to all Apaches. Special ceremonies such as this are times when families are called upon to bring their medicine in the form of songs and the spiritual work of ceremonial preparation and participation. However, sacred narratives are not just ceremonial guideposts; they are integral to teaching basic understandings of Lipan life. For example, Child of Water represents the “right hand” and loving way, whereas the Killer-of-Enemies symbolizes the “left hand,” which is not so loving. Child of Water provides refuge and salvation for people and animals, whereas Killer-of-Enemies changes animals from destroyers and killers of people to providers of meat and clothing by making sacred agreements between animals and people.” ref

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“Penutian is a proposed grouping of language families that includes many Native American languages of western North America, predominantly spoken at one time in British Columbia, Washington, Oregon, and California. Consensus was reached at a 1994 workshop on Comparative Penutian at the University of Oregon that the families within the proposed phylum’s California, Oregon, Plateau, and Chinookan clusters would eventually be shown to be genetically related. Subsequently, Marie-Lucie Tarpent reassessed Tsimshianic, a geographically isolated family in northern British Columbia, and concluded that its affiliation within Penutian is also probable. Sahaptin, also called Ichishkiin, (a Yakama people’s language), is one of the two-language Sahaptian branch of the Plateau Penutian family spoken in a section of the northwestern plateau along the Columbia River and its tributaries in southern Washington, northern Oregon, and southwestern Idaho, in the United States; the other language is Nez Perce (Niimi’ipuutímt).” ref, ref, ref

“Traditional Yakama spirituality is both animistic and shamanistic, centered on personal spirit connections, including vision quests and traditional healers. The Yakama believe that the Creator created the world and all its inhabitants. They believe that the Creator made laws that they must follow, and that he created the first man and the first woman. Go to the Tribal Stories page to read the Yakama creation story. The Yakama were led by a chief (who maintained a complex relationship with religion). The chief was chosen by a council of elders and was respected by all the tribe members. The traditional Yakama religion had several different names: Wáashat, longhouse or seven drum religion, or Native American worship. Services were held in a longhouse, where participants were separated by gender. Males stood along the northern wall; females, along the southern one. Everyone dressed up and painted their faces red and yellow. Drummers, led by a bellringer, sat or stood on the west side. Participants sang and danced in sets of seven (a sacred number) on a hard-packed earthen floor. The Yakama went on vision quests as children to get a guardian spirit. Children went alone to a remote spot and stayed overnight or for several days until they had a vision. Those who received a spirit never talked about it, but would later experience “spirit sickness,” then a twáti (medicine doctor; see “Healing practices”) would explain how to use the power. Yakama who had guardian spirits participated in winter spirit dances or wáanpsha (“medicine sings”). These were sponsored by the family of a person who had been cured. Wáanpsha lasted five days, and those with guardian spirits sang and danced, accompanied by drummers who pounded on planks with sticks or canes.” ref, ref

AI Overview: The Kuksu religion and the Penutian language phylum represent two deeply intertwined pillars of Central and Northern California’s Indigenous cultural history. Kuksu was a complex shamanistic belief system and secret society structure practiced extensively by several distinct Native American tribes, most of whom spoke languages belonging to the proposed Penutian language grouping. [1, 2, 3, 4]

Damien Marie AtHope’s Art

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Indigenous Kuksu religion of California:

• Pomo people
• Patwin people
• Maidu people
• Miwok people
• Ohlone people
• Yokut people
• Esselen people
• Salinan people

“The practice of Kuksu religion included elaborate narrative ceremonial dances and specific regalia. The men of the tribe practiced rituals to ensure good health, bountiful harvests, hunts, fertility, and good weather. Ceremonies included an annual mourning ceremony, rites of passage, and intervention with the spirit world. A male secret society met in underground dance rooms and danced in disguises at the public dances. Among the Patwin and Maidu, Hesi developed as a subdivision of Kuksu distinguished by its female participation. Kuksu has been identified archaeologically by the discovery of underground dance rooms and wooden dance drums.” ref

“Kuksu was personified as a spirit being by the Pomo people. Their mythology and dance ceremonies were witnessed, including the spirit of Kuksu or Guksu, between 1892 and 1904. The Pomo used the name Kuksu or Guksu, depending on the dialect, as the name for a red-beaked supernatural being, that lived in a sweathouse at the southern end of the world. Healing was his province and specialty. The person who played the Kuksu/Guksu in Pomo dance ceremonies was often considered the medicine man, and dressed as him when attending the sick. A ceremony dance was named after him. He also appeared in costume at most ceremonies briefly in order to take away the villager’s illnesses.” ref

“All males were expected to join a ceremonial society; some of their dances were private or secret from women and children. Scholars differ in their opinions of the societies’ power in the tribe: “There was no secret society of importance as there was among the Maidu and presumedly among the neighboring Wintun, and no organized priesthood vested with control over ceremonies.” In contrast, in 1925 a witness of the Clear Lake Pomo said: “The heart of religious activities lay in a secret society called kuhma, akin to that of the Patwin and Maidu and composed chiefly of men, which managed the ritual of the ancient kuksu religion.” ref

“North American religions have become known as varied, colorful, and spiritual. In the religio-scientific debate among anthropologists and historians of religion, concepts such as power and the supreme being, guardian spirits and totems, fasting visions and shamanism, myth-telling and ritualism have drawn on North American ideas and religious experiences. North America is a continent with many diverse cultures, and it is therefore meaningless to speak about North American religion as a unified aggregate of beliefs, myths, and rituals. Still, there are several religious traits that are basically common to all the Indians but variously formalized and interpreted among different peoples. These traits are also found in the religions of other continents and areas, particularly among the so-called primitive or primal peoples. Two characteristics are, however, typically Amerindian: the dependence on visions and dreams, which can modify old traditional rituals, and an intricate and time-consuming ceremonialism that sometimes almost conceals the cognitive message of rituals.” ref

“To these common elements belongs the idea of another dimension of existence that permeates life and yet is different from normal, everyday existence. Concepts such as the Lakota wakan and the Algonquian manitou refer to this consciousness of another world, the world of spirits, gods, and wonders. This supernatural or supranormal world is sometimes manifest in nature, which then receives a sacred import. Often the campsite or the village is arranged in a pattern that establishes a ritual identity with the supernatural world. The supernatural world is primarily expressed through the spiritual powers residing in a host of gods, spirits, and ghosts. In many American tribes prayers are directed to a collectivity of divine or spiritual beings, as in the pipe ceremony. Foremost among these divinities is, in most tribes, a sky god who represents all other supernatural beings or stands as their superior and the ruler of the universe. The Pawnee Indians in Nebraska, for instance, know a hierarchy of star gods and spirits, all of them subservient to the high god in the sky, Tirawa. It could be argued that their idea of a high god is formed after Mexican conceptual patterns, since the Caddoan-speaking peoples to whom the Pawnee belong were much inspired by the Mexican-derived prehistoric Mississippian culture.” ref

“The supreme being is closely associated with the axis mundi, or world pillar. The Delaware Indians say that he grasps the pole that holds up the sky and is the center of the world. In ceremonial life the world pole, or world tree, is the central cultic symbol in the great annual rites of peoples of the Eastern Woodlands, the Plains, the Basin, and the Plateau. At this annual celebration, the Indians thank the supreme being for the year that has been (the ceremony takes place in the spring in most cases) and dance in order to secure the support of the Great Spirit and all the powers for the year to come: the Plains Sun Dance is a good example. In California, a region of frequent earthquakes, similar world renewal rituals have as their main aim the stabilizing of the universe. In the east, the Delaware Big House ceremony is an adaptation of the hunters’ annual ceremony to the cultural world of more settled maize-growing peoples: the sacred pillar is here built into a ceremonial house. In many places throughout North America, myths testify that the annual ceremony is a repetition or commemoration of the cosmic creation at the beginning of time.” ref 

“The connection of the supreme being with creation is often concealed by the fact that in mythology another supernatural being, the culture hero, is invested with creative powers. His true mission is to deliver cultural institutions, including religious ceremonies, to the first human beings, but he is sometimes an assistant creator as well. In this quality, he competes with the Great Spirit and appears as a ludicrous figure, a trickster, or an antagonist of the Great Spirit, an emergent “devil.” (It should be observed that all this takes place only on a mythological level, for the culture hero disappears after his work has been completed and in many quarters becomes a star.) Trickster tales occupy a major part of American Indian mythologies and have attracted all kinds of comic folktale motifs. The tales usually portray the culture hero/trickster as a zoomorphic being: a white hare in the Northeast; a coyote on the western Plains, in the Basin, the Plateau, and California; and a raven in the Northwest.” ref

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“Glottochronology is a controversial method of reconstructing, in broad detail, the history of a language and its relationships, though it may still provide useful insights and generalizations regarding a family’s history. In the case of Proto-Caddoan, it appeared to have divided into two branches, Northern and Southern, more than 3000 years ago. (The division of the language implies also a geographic and/or political separation). Some linguists believe that the Caddoan, Iroquoian, and Siouan-Catawban languages may be connected in a Macro-Siouan language family, but their work is suggestive and the theory remains hypothetical. Similar attempts to find a connection with the Algonquian languages have been inconclusive. There is insufficient evidence for linguists to propose a hypothetical Macro-Algonquian/Iroquoian language family. Northern Caddoan evolved into several different languages. The language that became Wichita, with several different dialects, branched off about 2000 years ago. Kitsai separated from the Northern Caddoan stem about 1200 years ago, and Pawnee and Arikara separated 300 to 500 years ago.” ref

Revisiting Iroquoian and Caddoan: Inflectional and derivational morphology

“Aside from an ultimate Beringian and Siberian origin of the Caddoan and Iroquoian languages, linguistic inquiry has not yet been able to comment on the distributions of these families outside of the Greater Mississippi. The Proto-Caddoan homeland, following the summary of archaeological and linguistic evidence presented in Hughes (1968), was in the plains-woodlands transition area of the present-day eastern borders of Texas and Oklahoma. In contrast to the seeming consensus of the Proto-Caddoan Urheimat, the question of Proto-Iroquoian origins has enjoyed a long-running debate in the literature. While a full treatment of this discussion is necessary here (Birch 2015), there are two general positions: Proto-Iroquoian was spoken in the Great Lakes, i.e. the Northern branch is “in-situ” (Buell 1979, Lounsbury 1978, Mithun 1984, Schillaci et al. 2017), or Proto-Iroquoian was spoken South of the Great Lakes, known as the “migrationist” proposal (Snow 1995, 1996, Stothers 1977).” ref

“Schillaci et al. (2017) represents the most recent study on this topic. It argues in favor of the in-situ hypothesis on the basis of cognates for native flora and datable technological or biological introductions, namely: native trees, corn, beans, the bow, and smoking pipe. While their study clearly confirms the in-situ hypothesis for Proto-Northern Iroquoian, Cherokee does not have cognates for relevant native flora to the region, and so the evidence can only show that the Southern branch probably broke away from the Northern branch prior to the introduction of corn and the bow, but after the introduction of the smoking pipe. Given that no region can be firmly established on their evidence, it cannot be ruled out that the Proto-Iroquoian homeland prior to their divergence was not more southerly or westerly, as granted in the conclusion to Schillaci et al. (2017) and the homeland distributions of Buell (1979) who places the most southerly border of Proto-Northern Iroquoian into Ohio and Pennsylvania, much closer to the Central Mississippi Valley homeland presumed by Hughes (1968).” ref

“Of course, given the plentiful navigable waterways in the Mississippi Basin, these homelands are not particularly far away by boat. The travel of people, culture, and goods up the Mississippi and Ohio rivers is well documented in the archaeological literature (Smith 1990, Wilson 2017), though the integration of archaeological findings with the work presented in this paper is an issue for the future. In addition to these points of overlap, archaeogenetics offers hard data pointing to a shared origin of Caddoan- and Iroquoian-speaking populations. Lawrence et al. (2010) sampled human remains from the Mobridge (39WW1), Larson (39WW2), and Leavenworth (39CO9) ancestral Arikara sites. The authors compared this mitochondrial DNA with that of other Indigenous populations in the Eastern Woodlands that had been previously reported. They found that the ancestral Arikara populations shared ancient ties with Cherokee populations as well as ancient and more contemporary ties with Siouan and Northern Iroquoian DNA.” ref

“They also had recent admixture with Algonquian populations, but no ancient ties to these populations were found. While this is highly suggestive of an ancient and mid-range connection between Caddoan, Iroquoian, and Siouan populations—essentially providing supplementary evidence for a Macro-Siouan proposal—study into the genetic history of the region has not progressed at all since this publication; likely due to the impacts of colonial research practices (see Raff 2022). As the picture of historical and Proto-Siouan has continued to develop, it has increasingly looked like the family is unrelated to either Caddoan or Iroquoian. With that in mind, this paper has treated only the possible relation and/or contact between the latter two families, a possibility here called the Trans-Mississippian Connection. Some novel independent reconstructions and correspondences internal to the Caddoan and Iroquoian have also been proposed.” ref

“Although the lexical resemblances presented here are in areas unlikely to be borrowed and seem to show some consistent correspondences between proto- and contemporary languages, the scope of this paper is not enough to judge the ultimate question of genealogical relatedness. However, the evidence of a connection at the proto- or pre-proto-language level is – in this author’s opinion – substantial and warrants significant further study from diverse perspectives. Of particular note was the shared pronominal forms in all persons and the independent identification of homophonous vowels between each (pre-)proto-family’s pronominal role marking, identical allomorphy reconstructable to both proto-families in the inchoative and middle voice/dative morphemes. In addition, it should be noted that large sections of each family’s verbal template does not seem to find ready analogs in the other.” ref

“In particular, the derivational suffixes of Iroquoian – the causative-instrumental, the reversive, the dative-benefactive, etc – and the Caddoan portative at this time appear to have no parallels in the opposite family. The same seems to be true for most of both families’ prepronominal prefixes. These morphemes were checked for resemblance in the same region of the noun or verb that they occur in the origin family, and so it is entirely possible that there are lexical resemblances outside of the very same templatic slots or in non-affixes. As both families are reasonably old, it is also possible that resemblances might occur with some semantic drift, and so cognate or borrowed morphemes might take some time to find. However, despite these clear limitations, it is this researcher’s position that, given time, the resemblances noted first in the work of Wallace Chafe and further shown here to apply across the families and into their independent reconstructions will indeed prove to be cognates of a Trans-Mississippian family.” ref

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“The Mississippian culture began in the middle Mississippi River valley, with its core development centered in Illinois at major sites like Cahokia Heights, CE 1000 to 1600, and was subdivided into the Early, Middle, and Late periods. The city of Cahokia was founded in CE 1050 and likely had a population of at least 22,400 at its peak around 1124. The Post-Hopewell Late Woodland Period was characterized by the use of new bow-and-arrow technology, an uptick in maize consumption, the elaboration of platform mound construction, and new forms of political organization. The latter half of this period, between CE 900 and 1000, is known as the transition to the Emergent Mississippian or Terminal Late Woodland period.” ref

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Mississippian Period Mound Cultures CE 1000 – 1600

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“The Caddoan Mississippian culture was a prehistoric Native American culture considered by archaeologists as a variant of the Mississippian culture. The Caddoan Mississippians covered a large territory, including what is now Eastern Oklahoma, Western Arkansas, Northeast Texas, Southwest Missouri, and Northwest Louisiana of the United States. The speakers of Caddo and related Caddoan languages in prehistoric times and at first European contact have been proven to be the direct ancestors of the modern Caddo Nation of Oklahoma.” ref

“The Caddoan Mississippians are thought to be descendants of Woodland period groups, the Fourche Maline culture and Mossy Grove culture peoples who were living in the area around 200 BCE to 800 CE. They were linked to other peoples across much of the Eastern Woodlands through expansive trade networks. During this time period, pottery making was introduced to them by peoples to their East, and by 500 CE, the bow and arrow were introduced by peoples of the Southwest. By 800 CE, early Caddoan society began to coalesce into one of the earlier Mississippian cultures. Some villages began to gain prominence as ritual centers. Workers were organized to build earthwork platform mounds, often used for temples, in addition to building elite residences and constructions. The mounds were arranged around large, constructed, open, and level plazas. These were usually kept swept clean and were often used for ceremonial occasions involving large groups of people. As complex religious and social ideas developed, some people and family lineages gained prominence over others. This hierarchical structure is marked in the archaeological record by the appearance of large tombs with exotic grave offerings of obvious symbols of authority and prestige.” ref

“By 1000 CE, a society now known as “Caddoan” had emerged. This included the increased prominence of ritual centers and the development of a more stratified social hierarchy, with some lineage and kin groups exerting more control over the community. The tomb burials of people thought to be leaders were accompanied by elaborate grave goods, as noted above. In addition, there were sacrificial “retainer” deaths and burials of both family members and followers at the death of such leaders. Major sites such as Spiro and the Battle Mound Site were constructed in the Arkansas River Valley and the Red River Valley, respectively. As the largest and most fertile areas in the Caddoan region, these areas could support the most productive maize agriculture. Agricultural surpluses supported the growth of the dense populations of such major centers. By 1200 CE, the numerous villages, hamlets, and farmsteads established throughout the Caddo world had begun extensive maize agriculture. The Caddoans also developed a distinct type of pottery making.” ref

Sky Father/Sky Chief Mythology: Great spirit, Great Mystery, and Great Father

Native American Culture – The Great Spirit

“Native Americans are traditionally very spiritual people, and most tribes revere “The Great Spirit”. This is an English translation of The Creator, a deity or “God”. Native American culture to this day honors and is mindful of The Great Spirit, and Native American blankets like the Pendleton Rio Canyon blanket (pictured) pay homage to the presence of The Great Spirit in all living things. The concept of a universal spiritual force represents a god of creation and eternity. It speaks through chosen individuals or mediators and provides guidance to humans. The Great Spirit is perceived as both male and female, separate but one divine deity, though some tribes refer to it as “Father”, “Grandfather”, or “Old Man”. The Mother Earth aspect of The Great Spirit harks back to Neolithic Goddess culture. Women shared equality with men and the Divine Feminine was the source of animal, vegetation, and human life. In the post-Goddess era, the masculine hierarchy thrived, yet among Native American tribal culture, the masculine and feminine are far more generally balanced than for most Western religions and cultural traditions. Women in Native American culture enjoy an influence and respect exceeding that of almost any other culture worldwide. The Great Spirit is seen by the Lakota Sioux, for example, as an amalgamation of Father Sky (the dominant force), Mother Earth, and an array of Spirits who oversee human life and the elements. The Shoshone call their creator god “Tam Apo” which translates as “Our Father”. Some tribes represent the Supreme Being as an animal, most often a wolf, having human thought and speech.” ref

ref

“Proto-Algic (sometimes abbreviated PAc) is the proto-language from which the Algic languages (Wiyot language, Yurok language, and Proto-Algonquian) are descended. It is estimated to have been spoken about 7,000 years ago somewhere in the American Northwest, possibly around the Columbia Plateau.” ref, ref

“Proto-Algonquian (a branch of the larger Algic language family) is the proto-language from which the various Algonquian languages are descended. It is generally estimated to have been spoken around 2,500 to 3,000 years ago, but there is less agreement on where it was spoken. It was Proto-Algonquian to Arapaho–Gros Ventre then a split to Arapaho and Gros Ventre languages. Arapaho (endonym: Hinónoʼeitíít), also spelled Arapahoe, is one of the Plains Algonquian languages, closely related to Gros Ventre and other Arapahoan languages. Among the sound changes in the evolution from Proto-Algonquian to Arapaho are the loss of Proto-Algonquian *k, followed by *p becoming either /k/ or /tʃ/; the two Proto-Algonquian semivowels merging to either /n/ or /j/; the change from *s to /n/ in word-initial position, and *m becoming /b/ or /w/ depending on the following vowel. Arapaho is unusual among Algonquian languages in retaining the contrast between the reconstructed phonemes *r and *θ. These and other changes serve to give Arapaho a phonological system very divergent from that of Proto-Algonquian and other Algonquian languages, and even from languages spoken in the adjacent Great Basin.” ref, ref, ref

“The Gros Ventres are believed to have lived in the western Great Lakes region 3,000 years ago, where they lived an agrarian lifestyle, cultivating maize. With the ancestors of the Arapaho, they formed a single Algonquian-speaking people who lived along the Red River Valley in present-day Minnesota and North Dakota. In Ojibwa oral history, they are known as the “men of the olden time” who occupied the lands surrounding the headwaters of the Mississippi River. They were closely associated with the ancestors of the Cheyenne. They spoke the now nearly extinct Gros Ventre language (Atsina), a closely related Plains Algonquian language, much like the Arapaho, and is grouped as an Arapahoan language (Arapaho-Atsina). Around 3,000 years ago, the ancestral Arapaho-speaking people (Heeteinono’eino‘) lived in the western Great Lakes region along the Red River Valley in what is classified as present-day Manitoba, Canada, and Minnesota, United States. There, along the Red River Valley, the Arapaho were an agricultural people who grew crops, including maize. A large group of Arapaho split from the main tribe and became an independent people, commonly known as the Gros Ventre. Following European colonization in eastern Canada, together with the early Cheyenne people (Hitesiino’), the Arapaho were forced to migrate westward onto the eastern Great Plains by the Ojibwe. ” ref, ref

“The Red Ocher people in the Upper Great Lakes, whose burial complex dates to 3,000 – 2,400 years ago, spoke an ancestral form of the Algonquian languages.” ref

“Mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) was extracted and analyzed from the skeletal remains of 44 individuals, representing four prehistoric populations, and compared to that from two other prehistoric and several contemporary Native American populations to investigate biological relationships and demographic history in northeastern North America. The mtDNA haplogroup frequencies of ancient human remains from the Morse (Red Ocher tradition, 2,700 years ago) and Orendorf (Mississippian tradition, 800 years ago) sites from the Central Illinois River Valley, and the Great Western Park (Western Basin tradition, 800 years ago) and Glacial Kame (2,900 years ago) populations from southwestern Ontario, change over time while maintaining a regional continuity between localities. Haplotype patterns suggest that some ancestors of present-day Native Americans in northeastern North America have been in that region for at least 3,000 years but have experienced extensive gene flow throughout time, resulting, at least in part, from a demic expansion of ancestors of modern Algonquian-speaking people.” ref

“A unique culture called the Red Ocher Culture existed in the time between the end of the Archaic and the beginning of Woodland. This culture showed more social complexity than earlier peoples. The people were involved in long-distance trade of exotic materials and practiced elaborate burial practices. A characteristic of this culture was its unique burial practices of using red ochre to decorate or cover the corpses of their dead. Red ochre is ground-up iron ore that is red in color. Objects made from exotic materials were placed with the burials to mark the individual’s status. Copper ornaments, marine shell beads, and ceremonial blades (knives or points that were thinner and larger than could be practically used) have been found buried with some individuals. The trade networks and use of copper by the Red Ocher people have their beginnings in the trade and copper use of the Old Copper Culture. Red Ocher people used copper more to make ornaments (beads, rings) than tools, like the Old Copper Culture people did. Not all Archaic or Woodland people were involved in the Red Ocher Culture. This is a unique set of lifeways that only some people were involved in.” ref

“The Red Ocher people were an indigenous people of North America. A series of archaeological sites located in the Upper Great Lakes, the Greater Illinois River Valley, and the Ohio River Valley in the American Midwest have been discovered to be a Red Ocher burial complex, dating from 1000 to 400 BCE, or 3,000 to 2,400 years ago, the Terminal Archaic– Early Woodland period. Characterized as shallow burials located in sandy ridges along river valleys, covered in red ochre or hydrated iron oxide (FeH₃O), they contain diagnostic artifacts that include caches of flint points, turkey-tails, and various forms of worked copper. Turkey-tails are large flint blades of a distinct type. Red ochre has a long history of use in North America; as early as the Folsom tradition during the Paleo-Indian period, certain localities in New Mexico and Wyoming were being mined for the substance.” ref

“This culture used powdered red ochre in their burials. There is considerable variation from site to site in the few sites with this artifact. There is no broad synthesis of the existing information, and it is easily confused with the Glacial Kame culture. It is found in Wisconsin, Michigan, Illinois, Iowa, Indiana, and Ohio. The sites are from eastern Iowa to central Ohio and from southern Ohio to the Manitoulin District of Ontario. Most of the sites are in southeastern Wisconsin, northern Illinois, northern Indiana, and the southern half of the Lower Peninsula of Michigan. This area of Red Ocher culture is a co-occupant with Glacial Kame. It seems probable that the Old Copper complex, or Old Copper culture, merges into both Red Ocher and Glacial Kame.” ref

“The Glacial Kame culture was a culture of Archaic people in North America that occupied southern Ontario, Michigan, Ohio, and Indiana from around 8000 to 1000 BCE or 10,000 to 3,000 years ago. The name of this culture derives from its members’ practice of burying their dead atop glacier-deposited gravel hills. Among the most common types of artifacts found at Glacial Kame sites are shells of marine animals and goods manufactured from a copper ore, known as float copper.” ref

Art/Map by “Dylan Violette” CopperViolette: @CopperViolette

Indigenous Copper use in North America: 10,000 to 500 years ago (Old Copper Culture and Beyond)

“The Old Copper complex or Old Copper culture is an archaeological culture from the Archaic period of North America’s Great Lakes region. Artifacts from some of these sites have been dated from 6500 to 1580 BCE. The Old Copper complex is characterized by widespread copper artifacts, including tools and weapons, as well as ornamental objects. By heating, annealing, and hammering, these cultures worked the copper into shape and produced a variety of spearpoints, tools, and decorative objects. In addition to their own use, the Copper Complex peoples traded copper goods for other exotic materials. By about 1,000 BCE or 3,000 years ago, copper was increasingly restricted to jewelry and other status-related items, rather than tools. This is thought to represent the development of more complex social hierarchies in the area.” ref

ref, ref, ref

“The Proto-Siouan language is believed to have been originally spoken in and around the Ohio River Valley around 2000 BCE or 4,000 years ago, when the Western Siouan languages, also called Siouan proper, split off from Eastern Siouan languages. Although the attested daughter languages are largely native to the Great Plains region of the United States and Canada, it split off from Eastern Siouan languages.” ref

Mound Builders

“Many pre-Columbian cultures in North America were collectively termed “Mound Builders“, but the term has no formal meaning. It does not refer to specific people or an archaeological culture but refers to the characteristic mound earthworks that indigenous peoples erected for an extended period of more than 5,000 years. The “Mound Builder” cultures span the period of roughly 3500 BCE (the construction of Watson Brake) to the 16th century CE, including the Archaic period (Horr’s Island), Woodland period (Caloosahatchee, Adena and Hopewell cultures), and Mississippian period. Geographically, the cultures were present in the region of the Great Lakes, the Ohio River Valley, Florida, and the Mississippi River Valley and its tributary waters. Outlying mounds exist in South Carolina at Santee and in North Carolina at Town Creek.” ref

“The first mound building was an early marker of political and social complexity among the cultures in the eastern part of what is now the United States. Watson Brake in Louisiana, constructed about 3500 BCE during the Middle Archaic period, is the oldest known and dated mound complex in North America. It is one of 11 mound complexes from this period found in the Lower Mississippi Valley. These cultures generally had developed hierarchical societies that had an elite. These commanded hundreds or even thousands of workers to dig up tons of earth with the hand tools available, move the soil long distances, and finally, workers to create the shape with layers of soil as directed by the builders. However, early mounds found in Louisiana preceded such cultures and were products of hunter-gatherer cultures.” ref

“From about 800 CE, the mound-building cultures were dominated by the Mississippian culture, a large archaeological horizon, whose youngest descendants, the Plaquemine culture and the Fort Ancient culture, were still active at the time of European contact in the 16th century. One tribe of the Fort Ancient culture has been identified as the Mosopelea, presumably of southeast Ohio, who spoke an Ohio Valley Siouan language. The bearers of the Plaquemine culture were presumably speakers of the Natchez language isolate. The first written description of these cultures were made by members of Spanish explorer Hernando de Soto‘s expedition, between 1540 and 1542.” ref

ref

Ancient DNA results link the mound-building cultures of the Adena culture, Hopewell Culture, and Mississippian culture

“Ancient DNA results from the Hopewell Culture (representing a very diverse group) include 4 of the 5 documented Native American lineages (mtDNA haplotypes). This apparent diversity might suggest that individuals from different groups were buried together in these mounds. These ancient Native Americans shared close ties with Asia, which offers strong support for the already well-supported conclusion that Native Americans originated in Asia and migrated to the Americas. There were clear links between these people and individuals from two Adena culture sites as well as individuals from the even earlier Glacial Kame culture. This confirms the inference that the people of the Hopewell culture were the descendants of people of the Adena culture (circa 800 BCE to CE 1) who were, in turn, descended from the local Archaic cultures (circa 3000-500 BCE).” ref

“Interestingly, however, the Hopewell site individuals did not show a close relationship to the Fort Ancient culture samples. Perhaps, as some scholars have suggested, some Fort Ancient-era groups (circa CE 1000-1650) moved into Ohio from elsewhere. The most closely related ancient groups outside of Ohio included individuals buried at the 700-year-old Norris Farm mound in central Illinois. Also, Mills found that one particular female buried at Mound 25 at the Hopewell site had a rare mutation that she shared with several elite individuals buried at the 1000-year-old Cahokia site.” ref

“Modern groups with whom the individuals at the Hopewell site shared some degree of relatedness include the Chippewa/Ojibwa and Kickapoo of the Great Lakes region. Some genetic links are also indicated between one or more of the individuals from the Hopewell site and tribes as diverse and widespread as the Apache (Southern Athabaskan language), Iowa (Siouan language), Micmac (Eastern Algonquian language), Pawnee (Caddoan language), Pima (Uto-Aztecan language), Seri (Language isolate, theorized Hokan), Southwest Sioux (Siouan language), and Yakima (Penutian language).” ref

Hopewell tradition 100 BCE to CE 500

“The Hopewell tradition, also called the Hopewell culture and Hopewellian exchange, describes a network of precontact Native American cultures that flourished in settlements along rivers in the northeastern and midwestern Eastern Woodlands from 100 BCE to CE 500, in the Middle Woodland period. The Hopewell tradition was not a single culture or society but a widely dispersed set of populations connected by a common network of trade routes.” ref

“At its greatest extent, the Hopewell exchange system ran from the northern shores of Lake Ontario south to the Crystal River Indian Mounds in modern-day Florida. Within this area, societies exchanged goods and ideas, with the highest amount of activity along waterways, which were the main transportation routes. Peoples within the Hopewell exchange system received materials from all over the territory of what now comprises the mainland United States. Most of the items traded were exotic materials; they were delivered to peoples living in the major trading and manufacturing areas. These people converted raw materials into products and exported them through local and regional exchange networks.” ref

“Hopewell communities traded finished goods, such as steatite platform pipes, far and wide; they have been found among grave goods in many burials outside the Midwest. Although the origins of the Hopewell are still under discussion, the Hopewell culture can also be considered a cultural climax. Hopewell populations originated in western New York and moved south into Ohio, where they built upon the local Adena mortuary tradition. Or, Hopewell was said to have originated in western Illinois and spread by diffusion… to southern Ohio. Similarly, the Havana Hopewell tradition was thought to have spread up the Illinois River and into southwestern Michigan, spawning Goodall Hopewell.” ref

“American archaeologist Warren K. Moorehead popularized the term Hopewell after his 1891 and 1892 explorations of the Hopewell Mound Group in Ross County, Ohio. The mound group was named after Mordecai Hopewell, whose family then owned the property where the earthworks are sited. What any of the various peoples now classified as Hopewellian called themselves is unknown; indeed, what language families they spoke is unknown. Archaeologists applied the term “Hopewell” to a broad range of cultures. Many Hopewell communities were temporary settlements of one to three households near rivers. They practiced a mixture of hunting, gathering, and horticulture.” ref

Politics and hierarchy

“The Hopewell inherited from their Adena forebears an incipient social stratification. This increased social stability and reinforced sedentism, specialized use of resources, and probably population growth. Hopewell societies cremated most of their deceased and reserved burial for only the most important people. In some sites, hunters apparently were given a higher status in the community: their graves were more elaborate and contained more status goods. The Hopewell settlements were linked by extensive and complex trading routes; these operated also as communication networks, and were a means to bring people together for important ceremonies.” ref

 “The Hopewellian peoples had leaders, but they did not command the kind of centralized power to order armies of slaves or soldiers. These cultures likely accorded certain families a special place of privilege. Some scholars suggest that these societies were marked by the emergence of “big-men“, leaders whose influence depended on their skill at persuasion in important matters such as trade and religion. They also perhaps augmented their influence by cultivating reciprocal obligations with other important community members. The emergence of “big-men” was a step toward the development of these societies into highly structured and stratified chiefdoms.” ref

“Today, the best-surviving features of the Hopewell tradition era are earthwork mounds. Researchers have speculated about their purposes and debate continues. Great geometric earthworks are some of the most impressive Native American monuments throughout American prehistory, and were built by cultures following the Hopewell. Eastern Woodlands mounds typically have various geometric shapes and rise to impressive heights. Some of the gigantic sculpted earthworks, described as effigy mounds, were constructed in the shape of animals, birds, or writhing serpents.” ref

“Several scientists, including Bradley T. Lepper, hypothesize that the Octagon, in the Newark Earthworks at Newark, Ohio, was a lunar observatory. He believes that it is oriented to the 18.6-year cycle of minimum and maximum lunar risings and settings on the local horizon. The Octagon covers more than 50 acres (20 ha), the size of 100 football pitches. John Eddy completed an unpublished survey in 1978, and proposed a lunar major alignment for the Octagon. Ray Hively and Robert Horn of Earlham College in Richmond, Indiana, were the first researchers to analyze numerous lunar sightlines at the Newark Earthworks (1982) and the High Banks Works (1984) in Chillicothe, Ohio.” ref

“Christopher Turner noted that the Fairground Circle in Newark, Ohio aligns to the sunrise on May 4, i.e. that it marks the May cross-quarter sunrise. In 1983, Turner demonstrated that the Hopeton earthworks encode various sunrise and moonrise patterns, including the winter and summer solstices, the equinoxes, the cross-quarter days, the lunar maximum events, and the lunar minimum events, due to their precise straight and parallel lines.” ref

“William F. Romain has written a book on the subject of “astronomers, geometers, and magicians” at the earthworks. Many of the mounds also contain various types of human burials, some containing precious grave goods such as ornaments of copper, mica and obsidian imported from hundreds of miles away. Stone and ceramics were also fashioned into intricate shapes.” ref

Artwork

“The Hopewell created some of the finest craftwork and artwork of the Americas. Most of their works had some religious significance, and their graves were filled with necklaces, ornate carvings made from bone or wood, decorated ceremonial pottery, ear covers, and pendants. Some graves were lined with woven mats, mica (a mineral consisting of thin glassy sheets), or stones. The Hopewell produced artwork in a greater variety and with more exotic materials than their predecessors the Adena. Grizzly bear teeth, fresh water pearls, sea shells, sharks’ teeth, copper, and small quantities of silver were crafted as elegant pieces. The Hopewell artisans were expert carvers of pipestone, and many of the mortuary mounds are full of exquisitely carved statues and pipes.” ref

“Excavation of the Mound of Pipes at Mound City found more than 200 stone smoking pipes; these depicted animals and birds in well-realized three-dimensional form. More than 130 such artifacts were excavated from the Tremper site in Scioto County. Some artwork was made from carved human bones. A rare mask found at Mound City was created using a human skull as a face plate. Hopewell artists created both abstract and realistic portrayals of the human form.” ref

“One tubular pipe is so accurate in form that the model was identified by researchers as an achondroplastic (chondrodystropic) dwarf. Many other figurines are highly detailed in dress, ornamentation, and hairstyles. An example of the abstract human forms is the “Mica Hand” from the Hopewell Site in Ross County, Ohio. Delicately cut from a piece of mica 11 in × 6 in (280 mm × 150 mm), the hand carving was likely worn or carried for public viewing. They also made beaded work.” ref

Local expressions of Hopewellian traditions

“In addition to the noted Ohio Hopewell, a number of other Middle Woodland period cultures are known to have been involved in the Hopewell tradition and participated in the Hopewell exchange network.” ref

Armstrong culture

“The Armstrong culture was a Hopewell group in the Big Sandy River Valley of northeastern Kentucky and western West Virginia from CE 1 to 500. They are thought to have been a regional variant of the Hopewell tradition or a Hopewell-influenced Middle Woodland group who had peacefully mingled with the local Adena peoples. Archaeologist Edward McMichael characterized them as an intrusive Hopewell-like trade culture or a vanguard of Hopewellian tradition that had probably peacefully absorbed the local Adena in the Kanawha River Valley. Their culture and very Late Adena (46PU2) is thought to have slowly evolved into the later Buck Garden people.” ref

Copena culture

“The Copena culture was a Hopewellian culture in northern Alabama, Mississippi, and Tennessee, as well as in other sections of the surrounding region including Kentucky. Researchers developed the Copena name based on the first three letters of copper and the last three letters of the mineral galena, as copper and galena artifacts have often been found with Copena burials.” ref

Crab Orchard culture

“During the Middle Woodland period, the Crab Orchard culture population increased from a dispersed and sparsely settled Early Woodland pattern to one consisting of small and large base camps. These were concentrated on terrace and floodplain landforms associated with the Ohio River channel in southern Indiana, southern Illinois, and northwestern and western Kentucky. In the far western limits of Crab Orchard culture is the O’byams Fort site. This large earthwork, shaped like a tuning fork, is reminiscent of Ohio Hopewell enclosures. Examples of a type of pottery decoration found at the Mann site are also known from Hopewell sites in Ohio (such as Seip earthworks, Rockhold, Harness, and Turner), as well as from Southeastern sites with Hopewellian assemblages, such as the Miner’s Creek site, Leake Mounds, 9HY98, and Mandeville site in Georgia, and the Yearwood site in southern Tennessee.” ref

Goodall focus

“The Goodall focus culture occupied Michigan and northern Indiana from around 200 BCE to CE 500. The Goodall pattern stretched from the southern tip of Lake Michigan, east across northern Indiana, to the Ohio border, then northward, covering central Michigan, almost reaching to Saginaw Bay on the east and Grand Traverse Bay to the north. The culture is named for the Goodall site in northwest Indiana.” ref

Havana Hopewell culture

“The Havana Hopewell culture was a Hopewellian people in the Illinois and Mississippi river valleys in Iowa, Illinois, and Missouri. They are considered ancestral to the groups who eventually formed the Mississippian culture that built Cahokia (in present-day southwestern Illinois) and influenced the hinterlands of the Mississippi and Ohio rivers, including into the Appalachian Mountains.” ref

“The Toolesboro site is a group of seven burial mounds on a bluff overlooking the Iowa River near its confluence with the Mississippi River. The conical mounds were constructed between 100 BCE and CE 200. At one time, as many as 12 mounds may have existed. Mound 2, the largest remaining, measures 100 ft (30 m) in diameter and 8 ft (2.4 m) in height. This mound was possibly the largest Hopewell mound in Iowa.” ref

Kansas City Hopewell

“At the western edge of the Hopewell interaction sphere is the Kansas City Hopewell. The Renner Village archeological site in Riverside, Missouri, is one of several sites near the junction of Line Creek and the Missouri River. The site contains Hopewell and succeeding Middle Mississippian remains. The Trowbridge archeological site near Kansas City is close to the western limit of the Hopewell. “Hopewell-style” pottery and stone tools, typical of the Illinois and Ohio River valleys, are abundant at the Trowbridge site. Decorated Hopewell-style pottery rarely appears further west.” ref

“The Cloverdale site is situated at the mouth of a small valley that opens into the Missouri River Valley, near present-day Saint Joseph, Missouri. It is a multi-component site with evidence of Kansas City Hopewell (around CE 100 to 500) and Steed-Kisker (around CE 1200) occupation.” ref

Laurel complex

“The Laurel complex was a Native American culture in what is now southern Quebec, southern and northwestern Ontario, and east-central Manitoba in Canada; and northern Michigan, northwestern Wisconsin, and northern Minnesota in the United States. They were the first pottery-using people of Ontario north of the Trent-Severn Waterway. The complex is named after the former unincorporated community of Laurel, Minnesota.” ref

Marksville culture

“The Marksville culture was a Hopewellian culture in the Lower Mississippi valley, Yazoo valley, and Tensas valley areas of present-day Louisiana, Mississippi, Missouri, and Arkansas. It evolved into the Baytown culture and later the Coles Creek and Plum Bayou cultures. It is named for the Marksville Prehistoric Indian Site in Marksville, Louisiana.” ref

Miller culture

“The Miller culture was a Hopewellian culture located in the upper Tombigbee River drainage areas of southwestern Tennessee, northeastern Mississippi, and west-central Alabama, best known from excavations at the Pinson Mounds, Bynum Mounds, Miller (type site), and Pharr Mounds sites. The culture is divided chronologically into two phases, Miller 1 and Miller 2, with a later Miller 3 belonging to the Late Woodland period. Some sites associated with the Miller culture, such as Ingomar Mound and Pinson Mounds on its western periphery, built large platform mounds. Archaeologist speculate the mounds were for feasting rituals. With that purpose, they fundamentally differed from later Mississippian culture platform mounds, which were mortuary and substructure platforms. By the end of the Late Woodland period, about CE 1000, the Miller culture area was absorbed into the succeeding Mississippian culture.” ref

Montane Hopewell

“The Montane Hopewell on the Tygart Valley area, an upper branch of the Monongahela River of northern West Virginia, is similar to Armstrong. The pottery and cultural characteristics are also similar to late Ohio Hopewell. They occurred during the neighboring Watson through Buck Garden periods of peoples to the south and westerly in the state. Montane Hopewell is a variant that is a considerable distance from Cole Culture and Peters Phase, or Hopewell central Ohio. According to McMichael, the culture built small, conical mounds in the late Hopewell period; this religion appeared to be waning in terms of being expressed in the daily living activities at these sites. The influence of an elite priest cult, burial phase was centered toward the Midwest states and was less important here.” ref

Ohio Hopewell culture

“The greatest concentration of Hopewell ceremonial sites is in the Scioto River Valley (from Columbus to Portsmouth, Ohio) and adjacent Paint Creek valley, centered on Chillicothe, Ohio. These cultural centers typically contained a burial mound and a geometric earthwork complex that covers ten to hundreds of acres, with sparse residential settlements. There is little evidence of large resident populations at the monument complexes.” ref

“The Hopewell Culture National Historical Park, encompassing mounds for which the culture is named, is in the Paint Creek Valley just a few miles from Chillicothe, Ohio. Other earthworks in the Chillicothe area include Hopeton, Mound City, Seip Earthworks and Dill Mounds District, High Banks Works, Liberty, Cedar-Bank Works, Anderson, Frankfort, Dunlap, Spruce Hill, Story Mound, and Shriver Circle. When colonial settlers first crossed the Appalachians, after almost a century and a half in North America, they were astounded at these monumental constructions, some as high as 70 feet (21 m) and covering acres.” ref

“The Ohio Hopewell may have made pilgrimages to Obsidian Cliff in what is today Yellowstone National Park, a journey which would have required walking 2,000 miles (3,200 kilometers) each way. Grave goods at Mound City include hundreds of pounds of obsidian traceable to Yellowstone as well as copper shaped to resemble the horns of bighorn sheep native to the Rockies.” ref

“The Portsmouth Earthworks were constructed from 100 BCE to CE 500. It is a large ceremonial center located at the confluence of the Scioto and Ohio rivers. Part of this earthwork complex extends across the Ohio River into Kentucky. The earthworks included a northern section consisting of a number of circular enclosures, two large, horseshoe-shaped enclosures, and three sets of parallel-walled roads leading away from this location. One set of walls went to the southwest and may have linked to a large square enclosure located on the Kentucky side of the Ohio River. Another set of walls led to the southeast, where it crossed the Ohio River and continued to the Biggs site, a complicated circular enclosure surrounding a conical mound. The third set of walls went to the northwest for an undetermined distance, in the direction of the Tremper site.” ref

Point Peninsula complex

“The Point Peninsula complex was a Native American culture located in present-day Ontario, Canada and New York, United States, during the Middle Woodland period. It is thought to have been influenced by the Hopewell traditions of the Ohio River valley. This influence seems to have ended about CE 250, after which burial ceremonialism was no longer practiced.” ref

Saugeen complex

“The Saugeen complex was a Native American culture located around the southeast shores of Lake Huron and the Bruce Peninsula, around the London, Ontario area, and possibly as far east as the Grand River in Canada. Some evidence exists that the Saugeen complex people of the Bruce Peninsula may have evolved into the historic Odawa people, also known as the Ottawa.” ref

Swift Creek culture

“The Swift Creek culture was a Middle Woodland period archaeological culture in the southeast of the United States (present-day Georgia, Alabama, Florida, South Carolina, and Tennessee) dating to around CE 100–700.” ref

Wilhelm culture

“The Wilhelm culture (CE 1 to 500), Hopewellian influenced, appeared in the Northern Panhandle of West Virginia. They were contemporaneous to Armstrong central in the Big Sandy valley, nearly 200 miles downstream on the Ohio River. They were surrounded by peoples who made Watson-styled pottery, with a Z-twist cordage finished surface. Wilhelm pottery was similar to Armstrong pottery, but not as well made. Pipe fragments appear to be the platform-base type.” ref

“Small earthwork mounds were built around individual burials in stone-lined graves (cists). These were covered over together under a single large mound. Little studied are their four reported village sites, which appear to have been abandoned by about CE 500. As of 2009, new local researchers are looking at this area period and may provide future insight.” ref

Cultural decline

“Around CE 500, the Hopewell exchange ceased, mound building stopped, and characteristic art forms were no longer produced. War is a possible cause, as villages dating to the Late Woodland period shifted to larger communities protected by palisade walls and ditches. Colder climatic conditions could have driven game animals north or west in search of grazing land. The introduction of the bow and arrow may have led to over-hunting of game populations and made warfare more deadly. With fewer people using trade routes, the transmission of traditions may have dwindled. The breakdown in social organization could also have resulted from adoption of full-scale agriculture. Conclusive reasons for the dispersal of the people have not yet been determined.” ref

“Cahokia was the largest and most influential urban settlement of the Mississippian culture, The city’s original name is unknown. The mounds were later named after the Cahokia tribe, a historic Illiniwek people living in the area when the first French explorers arrived in the 17th century. As this was centuries after Cahokia was abandoned by its original inhabitants, the Cahokia tribe was not necessarily descended from the earlier Mississippian-era people.” ref

“The Cahokia (Miami-Illinois: Kahokiaki) were an Algonquian-speaking Native American tribe and members of the Illinois Confederation. By then, the Cahokia Mounds had been abandoned for centuries. Starting around the 1500s, the Cahokia people began to repopulate the Cahokia region. Unlike their previous Mississippian counterparts, the Illinois Confederation populated areas outside of what was considered to be the central city. The Cahokia people may not have been related to the residents of the Cahokia Mounds, who were most likely Dhegiha Siouan-speaking peoples. In 1752, Shawnee (an Algonquian language) and Meskwaki (an Algonquian language) allies of the British destroyed the primary Cahokia settlement. Survivors joined the neighboring Michigamea (who may have spoken an Algonquian or a Siouan-Catawban language).” ref

A Datura Ritual Complex in the Mississippian Southeast

“In the American Southwest and northern Mexico, it has long been argued that ceramic vessels with exterior surfaces that are covered with small nodes are Datura seed pod effigies. Datura is a genus of flowering plants containing psychoactive alkaloids that, when consumed, can induce hallucinations. Scholars have argued that these noded vessels were part of a ritual complex originating in Mexico and spreading throughout the Southwest. In a 2012 article, Lankford hypothesized that this ritual complex made its way into the southeastern United States based on the presence of the ceramic type Fortune Noded in the Mississippi River Valley. In this article, we evaluate three hypotheses suggested by Lankford. Our absorbed residue study did not support his first hypothesis that Fortune Noded vessels were directly related to Datura consumption. However, existing archaeological data do support the idea that a ritual complex including noded vessels moved through the Caddoan region to the Central Mississippi Valley. Those data also confirm Lankford’s final hypothesis that Datura was used in Mississippian period contexts in the Central Mississippi Valley. We conclude that Lankford’s hypothesis has merit and suggest that noded vessels and other ritual equipment be considered inalienable objects that moved through a network of ritual practitioners.” ref

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Fort Ancient “Mound Building” culture (1000–1750 CE)

“Spanning 750 years, the Fort Ancient culture is separated into three time periods: Early Fort Ancient (CE 1000-1200), Middle Fort Ancient (CE 1200-1400), and Late Fort Ancient (CE 1400-1750). The Fort Ancient culture was present at the same time as the Mississippian culture and shares many similarities. However, differences like a lack of platform mounds at Fort Ancient sites have made archaeologists consider the Fort Ancient to be their own group. Fort Ancient sites are located within central and Eastern Kentucky, Southeastern Indiana, Southern Ohio, and western West Virginia. Unlike earlier fluted and notched points, projectile points associated with the Fort Ancient culture are more triangular. This is partly due to the introduction of the bow and arrow, which was used rather than spears. By CE ~1200, villages were often laid out in a circular fashion, with a central plaza, then rings of burials, storage/trash, housing, and sometimes a palisade. Some sites also feature small, circular burial mounds on the outskirts. Population estimates for these villages range from 100 to 300 inhabitants.” ref

“The rise in socio-political complexity in the Fort Ancient culture (1000–1750 CE) is evidenced by the building of substructure mounds and new village layouts, which may indicate influences from Middle Mississippian cultures down the Ohio River. Although there seem to have been positions of leadership, the Fort Ancient culture appears to have been egalitarian. Grave goods rarely vary between individuals, which shows that social levels were weakly defined. Scholars believe that their societies were organized into groups based on kinship. If social organization was based on kinship, people likely achieved some status by virtue of personal qualities, such as generosity, charisma, and being a good hunter, as well as their deeds. People of higher status were probably leaders of communities and were potentially responsible for organizing trade, settling disputes among other members of the village, and presiding over ceremonies. Evidence indicates that Fort Ancient leadership was more like that of the historic Iroquois, whose egalitarian obligations left leaders to be buried with no more than others of their age.” ref

“In the Haudenosaunee (Iroquois) Confederacy, leaders—known traditionally as Hoyaneh (Caretakers of the Peace) or chiefs—held heavily structured, egalitarian obligations that prevented the accumulation of personal power, wealth, or social stratification.” ref, ref

“Ancient DNA results link the mound-building cultures of the Adena culture, Hopewell Culture, and Mississippian culture, but interestingly, did not show a close relationship to the Fort Ancient culture samples.” ref

Ancient Mississippian Religion Explained by Archaeologist Ed Barnhart

Ancient Mississippian Religion – Native American Documentary